 in faraway cities, taking naps, and eating brunch.
This is a wonderfully written tribute to the culture of prayer at HOPE that permeates every part of HOPE’s work.
Thank you, Jesse! It’s a privilege to work at an organization that prioritizes prayer and views it as a core aspect of our mission and culture.
Claire this piece has become one more encourager to include prayer at the center of the work HOPE is doing!
Nathan, glad you found the piece encouraging!
Q: LookupError: unknown encoding 'big5' under embeded python I am building a R extension which has an embedded python in it.
Everything goes well now, except that the python cannot find the encoding I needed. It keeps throwing LookupError when I do something involving 'big5'. However, if I build a stand alone c++ application, the python interpreter does find the encoding and stop throwing errors.
test.cpp for normal stand alone example in c:
#include <Python.h>

int main(int argc, char* argv[]) {
  Py_SetProgramName("test");  /* optional but recommended */
    Py_Initialize();
    PyRun_SimpleString(
            "import codecs\n"
            "f = codecs.open('big5_encoded_file', encoding='big5', mode='r')"
            );
    Py_Finalize();
    return 0;
}

testr.cpp for R extension:
#include <R.h>
#include <Rdefines.h>
#include <Python.h>

extern "C" SEXP testpy();

SEXP testpy() {
  Py_SetProgramName("test");  /* optional but recommended */
    Py_Initialize();
    PyRun_SimpleString(
            "import codecs\n"
            "f = codecs.open('big5_encoded_file', encoding='big5', mode='r')"
            );
    Py_Finalize();
    return R_NilValue;
}

A Makefile on ubuntu 12.10:
all: test testr.so

test: test.cpp
  g++ test.cpp -o test -I/usr/include/python2.7 -lpython2.7


testr.so: testr.cpp
    R CMD SHLIB testr.cpp

The./test runs normally, but Rscript -e "dyn.load('testr.so');.Call('testpy')" produces a "LookupError: unknown encoding: big5"
Thanks
-- edit --
To build the testr.so, please set:
export PKG_CXXFLAGS=-I/usr/include/python2.7
export PKG_LIBS=-lpython2.7


A: I notice that it is a linking issue.
I tried to import encodings.big5 in the embedded python, but the error of undefined reference occurred. The solution in http://bugs.python.org/issue4434 works for me:

before PyInitialize() I can call dlopen("libpython2.7.so", RTLD_LAZY | RTLD_GLOBAL);

<reponame>Acria-Network/Acria-Contracts
import json
from web3 import Web3, HTTPProvider, IPCProvider
from web3.middleware import geth_poa_middleware
import os
from os.path import join, dirname
from dotenv import load_dotenv

load_dotenv(join(dirname(__file__), '.env'))

if(os.environ.get("WEB3_USE_IPC") == False):
    web3 = Web3(HTTPProvider(os.environ.get("WEB3_HTTP_PROVIDER_URL")))
else:
    web3 = Web3(IPCProvider(os.environ.get("WEB3_IPC_PROVIDER_URL")))

if(os.environ.get("WEB3_MIDDLEWARE_ONION_INJECT")):    
    web3.middleware_onion.inject(geth_poa_middleware, layer=0)

web3.eth.defaultAccount = web3.eth.accounts[2]

with open('../build/contracts/ClientExample4.json') as file:
    contract_json_client = json.load(file)
    contract_abi_client = contract_json_client['abi']
    contract_bytecode_client = contract_json_client['bytecode']

example_client3 = web3.eth.contract(abi=contract_abi_client, bytecode=contract_bytecode_client)
tx_hash = example_client3.constructor(Web3.toChecksumAddress(os.environ.get("ACRIA_NODE_ADDRESS"))).transact()
tx_receipt = web3.eth.waitForTransactionReceipt(tx_hash)
example_client3_address = tx_receipt.contractAddress
print(example_client3_address)
The French media has responded to these and other provocations by granting Zemmour a disproportionate amount of coverage as the presidential race has started to heat up; according to one analysis, in September alone he scored sixteen slots across prime-time TV and print front pages and was mentioned by the media more than four thousand times. (The election will take place across two rounds in April; current polling suggests that Zemmour won’t make the second round, but it’s still early and he isn’t far off.) He has supplied reporters and commentators with an endless stream of controversies and scandals to chew on: last week alone, news cameras snapped him giving a voter the middle finger, and Closer, a gossip magazine, reported that a senior campaign aide is pregnant with Zemmour’s child. (Zemmour pledged to sue Closer.) The voluminous coverage has led a number of French journalists to question whether it’s all too much. “I can’t believe what I am hearing at our editorial meetings,” a journalist at a left-wing newspaper in Paris told Politico. “We do what the left does every time, pushing up the far right.” Over the weekend, Julia Cagé, an economist and media expert, made the case that Zemmour has been great for the business model of TV news, attracting viewers and generating viral clips at a low financial cost. Staffers at some networks have reportedly raised concerns internally about the volume of their Zemmour coverage.
If you think that this sounds a bit like the debate around coverage of Donald Trump’s US presidential campaign in 2016, you aren’t the only one. Numerous journalists and media-watchers, within France and without, have recently attested to an uncomfortable sense of déjà vu: an adviser to the former French president François Hollande told Politico that, by flooding the news cycle with outrageous statements, Zemmour has “checkmated the media, just like Trump”; Yasmeen Serhan, a writer at The Atlantic, warned that “by over-indexing on a single candidate, French journalists look doomed to repeat the mistakes of their counterparts on the other side of the Atlantic.” Just as the coverage of Zemmour has been compared to the coverage of Trump, Zemmour has himself been compared to Trump the man, which has driven even more coverage of his candidacy—not least in US media, which has recently generated more than its fair share of “French Trump” profiles and thinkpieces. Zemmour has courted such comparisons, sometimes explicitly. And so the hellish content cycle churns on.
Once the press has started to lavish attention on an extreme politician, it can be hard to stop: as Serhan notes, “to dedicate too much time and space to Zemmour would be to give him the clout that he no doubt craves, and signal to audiences that he is more deserving of their attention than other potential candidates,” but for the press to ignore him—especially having already validated him as a big story—would “be to risk falling short of its journalistic duty to report on and scrutinize a viable contender for the French presidency,” not to mention the broader appeal of his odious ideas. Not that scrutiny will necessarily dent Zemmour: as we saw with Trump, he can simply use it to bolster his anti-establishment and press-bashing credentials. “What I would say to the French is, as soon as you see that happening, where the very criticism that you try to level against this candidate gets incorporated into his pitch, you are in the danger zone and you’ve got to reconsider your practices,” Jay Rosen, a journalism professor at New York University, told Serhan. The attention horse may have bolted with Zemmour, as with Trump, though in both cases, it’s not too late for media practices to change.
Not that change will keep French journalists out of the danger zone—they’re already in one, including in a physical sense. Last month, journalists at nearly forty French outlets called on politicians to act on rising anti-media threats emanating from the far right, noting, among other warning signs, that Zemmour’s team blocked a regional newspaper from covering a campaign meeting in retaliation for its coverage of