Even if Structuralism’s focus on binary oppositions is out of fashion, Weinreb describes the schism between the public and private spaces of Cuban society (39). “When rationing, long waits for nationalized services; or low, state-fixed salaries stir discontent, is it ultimately a citizen right or a consumer interest at stake? She ponders this question as fundamental for understanding the late-socialist stage, and how informants identify themselves. This inner conflict within the mind of the citizen-consumer leads her/him, despite CDR[ii] interference to bridge the gap between the public and the private, to a doble-moral, a shadow economy, and migration. The researcher also analyzes how language plays a role in this space dichotomy (65); that is, the Special Period[iii] lexicon creates contested meanings for existing words. “Sharing a language but not the values ascribed to its vocabulary provides unsatisfied citizen-consumers with a way to evaluate their situation that is not immediately transparent to the communist “out-group” (81).
Having focused on the public/private dichotomy, Weinreb can then list the different Cuban social classes that, having emerged from the revolutionary experience, fall on either side of the dichotomy. From top to bottom: Red Bourgeoisie[iv] Entertainers/Athletes,[v], “Dollar Dogs,”[vi] Unsatisfied Citizen-Consumers[vii] and the Peso Poor (105).[viii]
A critical note is in order here. Although Weinreb’s command of Spanish appears to be quite extensive, there are quite a few grammatical errors that range from the basic, “Soy [Estoy] siempre contra la ley” (68), and “El [La] Burguesía Roja“ (103) to the more advanced subjunctive mode error, “Que Dios acompaña [te acompañe]” (71). There are also cases of dubious usage; for example, in “Estamos resolviéndola ahorita,” where ahorita hints at a Mexican Spanish source, and does not sound very authentic, as Cubans use this word very sparingly. The publisher should have done a better job of proofreading the text for Spanish and even for historical accuracy.[ix] Despite these minor observations, this is a very good source of research and critical analysis for understanding eclipsing socialist ideology in Cuba.
[i] Weinreb defines late socialism as “the increasing centrality of consumers in moves towards capitalism, as well as declining commitment among socialist citizens to the socialist state.”
[ii] CDR is the acronym for the neighborhood committee that spies on citizen-consumers.
[iii] The period of economic austerity following the demise of the Soviet Union (1991) and still continuing today.
[iv] Privileged because of their well connected relatives; children, relatives, and even grandsons of party members, who are not interested in leaving the country. [v] Actors, sports people, entertainers (Farándula), who are allowed to travel abroad and enjoy economic privileges.
[vi] Operate legal enterprises often with financial backing from family abroad.
[vii] Non-elite middle class with unsteady sources of income and/or irregular remittences from abroad
[viii] Paid in pesos and with little or no access to dollars; disproportionately Afro-Cuban
[ix] Since the author is an ethnographer, we can excuse her assertion that Fidel Castro entered Havana on New Year’s Day of 1959 (78). This did not happen until more than a week later.
Art Work: My gratitude to Cuban artist Rafael Lopez Ramos for lending his beautiful art work. This painting is entitled "Shall We Be Like Who?" (2006), acrylic and ink/unprimed canvas, 36.5" x 37".