Cultural Resources Survey Report of the Purgatoire River Region
With funds from Preserve America, the Department of Local Affairs, and the Colorado Historical Society’s State Historical Fund Colorado Preservation is initiating a project to survey historic sites in Otero and Las Animas Counties. With most of the region divided into large ranches, there are many undocumented historic resources on private lands. With cooperation from local ranchers, we have a unique opportunity to identify and document these resources. Professionals will survey archaeological resources, historic buildings, and cultural landscapes on private ranch lands as well as the communities of Hoehne, Kim, Model, Timpas, and Branson. The survey will produce a historic context study, survey forms, and a survey report with historic preservation recommendations.
Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region State Historical Fund Grant #2008-01-059 Department of Local Affairs Grant #6015 Preserve America Grant #08-08-AP-4005 Fall 2011 Project Director: Abbey Christman Report Authors: Richard Carrillo (Historical Archaeology) Abbey Christman (Architectural History) Roche Lindsey (Prehistoric Archaeology) Survey Team: Richard Carrillo Michelle Chichester Abbey Christman Lindsay Joyner Roche Lindsey Emily Noggle Michelle Slaughter Claudia Woodman Project Assistance: Ashley Bushey Kathleen Corbett Lauren Trice Report Layout: Michelle Chichester 2 This project would have been impossible without the immense efforts and assistance of Rebecca Goodwin and Steve & Joy Wooten. Special thanks to: Ekaterini Vlahos, University of Colorado, Denver Otero County Commissioners Otero County Historic Preservation Advisory Council Pinon Canon Expansion Opposition Coalition Primary Funders: State Historical Fund Preserve America Colorado Department of Local Affairs Individual Donors: Sherrie E and Michael J. Dunn Marilyn Mast Santa Fe Trail Scenic and Historic Byway Rocky Ford Rotary Club In-kind Donations: Rebecca Goodwin Steve & Joy Wooten John Doherty Abel Benavidez Tim Williams Cathy Mullins La Junta Public Library RSVP (Retired Senior Volunteer Program) Research assistance: Mary Ann Allsworth Bub Autry Tillie Autry Loretta Martin, Louden-Henritze Archaeology Museum Videl Martinez Acknowledgments Acknowledgments Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 3 4 Gail and Millie Allen Tom and Mary Allsworth Roy Armstrong, Great Western Grazing Co Kelly, Randy, Clay, Jean Bader Phil Ballard Ella Beiber Elaine Boling, Boling Ranch Dan Brown and Bridget Myers, Fleetwood-Salley Trust John M. and Joseph A. Carson Allan Davis Marvin Davis, Davis Land LLC Roger & Dale Davis John Doherty, Red Rocks Ranch, Hardesty Mesa, Mesa de Maya, LLC Lyman Edgar, Edgar Ranches, Inc. Larry Gilstrap, JL Cattle Co. Grady Grissom, Rancho Largo Cattle Co LLC Charles Gyurman Tony and Connie Haas Richard Hale Gary and Havilah Hall Lloyd Hall Babe Jackson Everett Jr. and Flo Jackson Lester and Nancy Jackson Cliff Johnston, 101 Ranch Inc. Dick Kennedy Zane and Barb Leininger Mack Louden Johnnie Mayhan Frankie and Sue Menegatti, Capps Ranch LP Juliette Mondot Cathy Mullins Tim and Lynn Myers Robert and Bunny Patterson Gerald & Shelley Quartiero Mike Richardson Tim and Annette Roberts, Roberts Ranch Lon Robertson John and June Robertson Roger & Pat Schalla Bryan Simmons Richard and Jo Simmons Orval Spangle Ryan Strieter Eugene Torres Craig Walker, Bow and Arrow Ranch Jim Walters Andy Welch, Apishapa Canyon Ranch Tim Williams, Williams Land and Cattle Jimmy and Linda Williams Jerry Winford, Waldroup Ranch INC Steven & Joy Wooten, Beatty Canyon Ranch Acknowledgments Thank you to participating land owners... Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 5 6 Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................... Project Area ............................................................................... Research Design and Methodology ........................................... 9 15 21 Historic Contexts ........................................................................ 29 Survey Results: Reconnaissance-level Survey ............................ 51 Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey ....................................... 73 Research Questions and Analysis .............................................. 101 Conclusions and Recommendations .......................................... 121 General Bibliography ................................................................. 125 Historic Archaeology Bibliography ............................................. 131 Prehistoric Archaeology Bibliography ........................................ 139 Appendix A: Reconnaissance Survey Sites Table ....................... Appendix B: Homesteader Table ............................................... Appendix C: Reconnaissance Artifact Table ............................... Appendix D: Project Presentations ............................................ Appendix E: Intensive Survey Sites Table (by site number) ....... Appendix F: Intensive Survey Sites Table (by location) .............. Appendix G: Temporal Framework for Material Culture ........... 141 177 185 187 189 193 197 Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Table of Contents 7 8 Introduction Project Background and Purpose In early 2007, Colorado Preservation, Inc. staff was invited to attend a meeting in La Junta organized to discuss the threat posed to the region's historic resources by the proposed expansion of the Army's Pinon Canyon Maneuver Site in Las Animas County. The local ranching community was seeking ways to raise awareness of the region's unique natural and cultural resources. The Colorado Natural Heritage Program at Colorado State University would be partnering with local landowners to conduct a survey of the area's biological resources. It was proposed that a complementary survey be conducted for the area's prehistoric and historic resources. Colorado Preservation, Inc. would manage and conduct the survey with the Pinon Canyon Expansion Opposition Coalition (PCEOC) organizing access to individual ranches. The goal of the survey project was to identify and document the abundant prehistoric and historic resources in the region. With the majority of the region in private ownership, this was an exceptional opportunity to document resources to which there had previously been limited or no access. Surveyed resources were expected to illuminate the region's ranching heritage as well as the importance of Native American and Hispanic cultures in the region. In addition to documentation, the project's second goal was education. This would be achieved through public presentations, a historic context study distributed in the region, and through publication of survey results on Colorado Preservation Inc.'s website. Project Dates The reconnaissance-level survey began in July 2008 and was completed in May 2009. The intensive level survey began in June 2009 and was completed in November 2009. During 2010, the survey team completed the survey forms, survey report, and historic context study. The project was completed in December 2010. Introduction Introduction Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 9 Project Area The focus area of the survey was southern Otero County and eastern Las Animas County. The area of interest can be roughly enclosed by Highway 10, Interstate 25 (excluding the area around Trinidad), the Colorado-New Mexico border, and Highway 109. This also included small portions of Pueblo and Huerfano Counties. This area includes the military's expressed area of interest for expanding the Pinon Canyon Maneuver Site. However, this is not simply an arbitrary survey boundary. The survey region has a common landscape, climate, economy, and history, creating a strong regional identity. The survey within the project area was selective, limited to participating private property owners and resources visible from public roadways. Project Description There were four primary components to the survey: a reconnaissance-level survey, an intensive-level survey, a historic context study, and public outreach. The project began with a reconnaissance-level survey of the region, focused primarily on private lands. The PCEOC recruited landowners to participate in the survey and coordinated access. A survey team including an architectural historian and archaeologist met with the participating landowners who then directed them to sites of interest on their land. For each site, the survey team completed a reconnaissance-level survey form which included location information, a list of site components (including buildings, structures, archaeological features, and surface-level artifacts), and photographs. Additional architectural reconnaissancelevel survey was also conducted in the communities of Branson, Hoehne, Kim, and Timpas and along Highways 350, 160, and 109. At the conclusion of the reconnaissance-level survey, the survey team selected resources for additional study during the intensivelevel survey. The intensive-level survey included a wide range of resources located across the region representing both archaeological and architectural sites. A total of fifty-eight sites were surveyed at the intensive level: seven for prehistoric archaeology, fifteen for historical archaeology and architecture, one for historical archaeology only, and thirty-five for architecture only. The historical context study was developed in conjunction with the survey project with the contexts identified directly related to the resources surveyed during the project. The contexts synthesized primary and secondary research sources to present to provide an 10 The public outreach component of the project was achieved through a series of public presentations as well as the sharing of survey results on the CPI website. Presentations were given to both academic and general audiences. Project Staff The survey was managed and directed by the staff of Colorado Preservation, Inc. (CPI). The project was initiated under the leadership of former Executive Director Mark Rodman and continued under the administration of current Executive Director James Hare. The survey project was led by Abbey Christman, Survey Director for CPI. Combining both architectural and archaeological survey, this project required staff with a range of backgrounds. CPI staff provided the architectural expertise and contracted with Cuartelejo HP Associates, Inc. in La Junta for the archaeology. The architectural survey team included Abbey Christman (survey director and architectural historian), Lindsay Joyner, Michelle Chichester, and Claudia Woodman (project assistants), and Lauren Trice, Ashley Bushey, and Emily Noggle (survey interns). The archaeological survey team included Richard Carrillo (historical archaeologist), Michelle Slaughter (historical archaeologist and mapper), Roche Lindsay (prehistoric archaeologist), and Minnette Church (historical archaeologist). Funding Colorado Preservation, Inc. (CPI) was awarded a grant for $149,690 from the State Historical Fund (SHF), a program of History Colorado, the Colorado Historical Society in 2007. In 2008, the SHF grant was matched with $50,000 grants from the Colorado Department of Local Affairs (DOLA) and Preserve American (PA), a program of the National Park Service. Colorado Preservation, Inc. also received additional local contributions of $6,500 to match the DOLA grant. The SHF grant funded work in Las Animas and Otero Counties, the PA grant funded work in Otero County, and the DOLA grant funded work in Huerfano, Las Animas, and Otero Counties. The original project budget was $199,690. With grants and donations totaling $256,190 CPI was able to expand the original scope of the project, increasing the number of property owners we worked with during the reconnaissance phase of the project. In-kind contributions extended the reconnaissance phase even further. Rebecca Goodwin, Abel Benavidez, John Doherty, and Steve Wooten donated lodging to the survey team. Tim White of White Construction Group and Steve Wooten donated vehicles and fuel. These donations dramatically reduced survey expenses, allowing more funding to be directed to additional fieldwork. Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Introduction overview of the development of the region as it relates to the surveyed resources. The context was designed to be accessible to the general reader. It will be distributed to all landowners participating in the survey as well as local libraries and historical societies. 11 Summary of Results A total of 454 sites were recorded during the reconnaissance-level survey. This included: � � � � � � � � � � � � � 209 Homesteads 35 Historic residential complexes 30 Water-related resources such as dams, irrigation ditches, and water diversion projects 24 Rock art sites 22 Commercial or industrial sites 18 Transportation-related resources such as trails and bridges 19 Churches or Cemeteries 17 Schools 14 Sites featuring bedrock metates 10 Sites with Apishapa Phase structures 9 Sites with historic rock inscriptions 7 Tipi ring sites 6 Ranch headquarter complexes During the intensive-level survey the following sites types were documented: � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 28 Homesteads 7 Prehistoric 4 Water Management 4 Schools 2 Commercial 2 Railroad 2 Religious 2 Residential 1 Agriculture/Cattle 1 Agriculture/ Sheep 1 Agricultural/Storage 1 Community 1 Jail 1 Post Office Of the fifty-eight sites surveyed, fifty-six were determined field eligible for listing in the National Register of Historic Places. One site needs additional data, and one was determined not eligible. 12 5LA.11793 Pictograph 5LA.11857. Kile Homestead Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Introduction 13 14 Project Area Background The Purgatoire River region of eastern Las Animas and southern Otero Counties has a unique identity based on its specific landscape and cultural heritage. This part of Colorado's Eastern Plains is crisscrossed by canyons and arroyos. Tall mesas run along the southern border and the Sangre de Cristo Mountains rise on the west. Historically, the Mountain Route of the Santa Fe Trail connected the region, running through its heart. The Purgatoire River, which originates in western Las Animas County and flows generally east-northeastward for approximately 175 miles to Bent County, has also served as a focal point of the region. The ranching landscape of eastern Las Animas County is very different in character from the western part of the county, which is mountainous and whose development revolved around the mining industry. And southern Otero County has much more in common with eastern Las Animas County than with the northern portion of the county, which is characterized by fruit and vegetable truck farms located along the Arkansas River. The ranching industry has also created strong cultural and economic ties between eastern Las Animas and southern Otero Counties, forming a large, region-wide community. This area of Colorado is unique in providing an opportunity to examine the mixing of Anglo and Hispanic cultures. Much of southeastern Colorado was an historical frontier in both the American and European definition. In the American lexicon, a frontier represents an unsettled or sparsely settled zone, or the edge of "civilization." On the other hand, the European perspective views frontiers as boundaries or borders between nations, provinces, or ethnic groups. Historically in southeastern Colorado, the way people viewed their frontiers varied according to their cultural perspective. The region of the Arkansas River and its major tributaries, the Purgatoire and the Huerfano, represented the extreme northern edge of a vast southwestern Hispanic territory known as Las Provincias Internas (the interior provinces) and comprised the provinces of Durango, Chihuahua, New Mexico, and Texas. The Spanish referred to the present southeastern Colorado region as El Cuartelejo, or "The Far Quarter". Today the former Spanish-controlled area is identified by historians as the Spanish Borderlands, and the region of southeastern Colorado as the Mexican Rim. Many still view the area as a frontier, a place that continues to be on the edge of "civilization" and remote from the state's major population centers. The region's environment limited the types of human activities that could be carried out successfully. The broad, open spaces and rolling terrain initially led Americans to view the Arkansas and Purgatoire valleys as places to be traveled through to reach New Mexico and other western destinations. Transportation continued and intensified as a major land use in the area during the early period of U.S. control. This activity increased the intermingling of cultures in the area and served to break the isolation of the region by the second half of the nineteenth century. The development of new transportation systems, first stagecoaches and freight wagons and later the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway (AT&SF) made the marketplaces and goods of America's emerging industries available to the area's residents with disposable cash. Farming in the traditional Anglo-American sense proved all but impossible. Grazing dominated the land-use patterns, and traditional agriculture was limited to those areas along the rivers and streams that could be irrigated by using basic diversion systems comprising large ditches and laterals. Project Area Project Area Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 15 The Homestead Act of 1862 was one of the most significant events in the westward expansion of the United States. By granting free land, it allowed nearly any man or woman a chance to live the American dream of owning his or her own land. Signed into law in 1862 by Abraham Lincoln after the secession of southern states, this Act turned over vast amounts of the public domain to private citizens. Each homesteader had to live on the land, build a home, make improvements and farm for five years before they were eligible to "prove up". Many of the initial settlers of southern Colorado were Hispanics from northern New Mexico, along with a minority of Anglo-Americans from the eastern, midwestern, and southern sections of the United States or northern European immigrants. They acquired their land under the provisions of the Homestead Act, although many squatters were also present. The early residents resided primarily along the Purgatoire River and its tributaries. Severe drought and blizzard conditions forced many of the early settlers out of the area in the mid- to-late 1880s. Most of the semi-arid land in the area was not suitable for the 160-acre farms established in the first Homestead Act. In the late 19th and early 20th century large Anglo-American and European interests controlled and dominated the land, running large livestock operations. Settlement was sparse. The Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909 and the Stock Raising Act of 1916 would end the open range. The Enlarged Homestead Act increased the number of acres per homesteader to 320 in areas where the land could not be irrigated. This followed the growing popularity of dryland farming techniques. Scientific moisture management methods, including deep seeding, contour furrowing, and soil aeration were widely promoted as the key to farming lands formerly thought barren. The Stock Raising Act promoted ranching by allowing homesteads of 640 acres on lands determined suitable only for grazing. A few years of rainfall on the Plains, rising agriculture prices, the popularity of the Dry Farming Movement, and revised homestead laws combined to stimulate a land rush to this region. Then came the drought and Depression of the 1930s. Crops withered, leaving nothing to hold the fine topsoil in place, and resulting in severe erosion and dust storms. Many of the new homesteaders were forced off their land, losing their property for back taxes or selling out to their more successful neighbors. A series of New Deal programs were designed to help, from providing immediate jobs to long-term changes in land use patterns. In many dryland areas, including southern Otero County, the government decided ranching was the more environmentally suitable, as well as economically viable, land use. Larger land parcels were needed for ranching than for farming, so the federal government began purchasing small farms located on marginal lands. Owners were offered assistance in purchasing more suitable lands elsewhere. The new federal lands were taken out of cultivation and jobs were created to restore the prairie through contour furrowing, reseeding, and planting shelterbelts. Once prairie grasses were restored, lands were leased for grazing. These lands were eventually turned into the Comanche National Grasslands and they continue to be used for governmentmanaged cattle ranching today. The 1930s marked the decline of farming in the area and the rise of large cattle ranches, formed from unsuccessful, abandoned homesteads. 16 The survey within these boundaries was selective, depending on the recruitment of private land owners. Fifty-two property owners agreed to participate, totaling approximately 1 million acres. These properties were spread throughout the project area, providing an excellent representation of the region's landscapes and cultural resources. It was impossible to survey all the land of each property owner within the scope of this survey. Instead, the survey was focused on the ranchers guiding the survey team to points of interest. But an average of a day was spent on each ranch, with a great deal of land covered while traveling between sites. In order to get a more complete sense of the region and its development, the project also included a reconnaissance survey of resources located along the region's highways as well as survey within its small towns. There are no large population centers located within the survey area. Three small towns lie within the region: Branson, Hoehne, and Kim. Though these towns were once commercial centers, today there are only a few businesses remaining. Most within the region travel to either to La Junta (northeast of the project area) or Trinidad (at the southwest end of the project area) for shopping and business. The fifty-eight sites surveyed during the intensive-level phase of the project covered roughly fifty acres. Setting The survey region is part of the Central Shortgrass Prairie eco-region. The landscape features grasslands interspersed with canyonlands. Juniper and pinon woodlands and shrublands can be found along the canyon rims and slopes. Blue grama grass grows throughout the region, making it ideal for grazing. This grass is valued as forage and is palatable to livestock year round. Established plants are resistant to grazing, drought, and cold. But if the grass is tilled or disturbed at the root level it is hard to regenerate. As a result the land took decades to recover from the impact of the dry farming boom followed by the drought of the 1930s. The Purgatoire River runs diagonally through the project area, from southwest to northeast. The Apishapa River, Timpas Creek, and Chacuaco Creek also flow through the project area. These are the region's primary water sources though there are also many small springs and seeps located among the canyons. The landscape supports a diverse range of wildlife including elk, mule deer, pronghorns, bighorn sheep, cougars, bobcats, and black bears. The presence of big game species has made hunting a popular activity, and many ranchers supplement their income by hosting hunters. A Colorado Birding Trail also runs through the region with bird species including Burrowing Owls, Golden Eagles, Prairie Falcons, roadrunners, and wild turkeys. Physiography The majority of Colorado falls within three physiographic provinces: the Colorado Plateau to the west, the Southern Rocky Mountains in the middle, and the Great Plains to the east. The Purgatoire River Region survey is located within the Great Plains physiographic province. Zier and Kalasz describe the transition from the Southern Rocky Mountains to the Great Plains: The high peaks, mountain valleys, and steep canyons of the Southern Rockies give way variably along a north/ south axis first to foothills and then to high open plains that suddenly dominate the landscape in all directions. In southeastern Colorado, at some point between degrading mountain and aggrading plain, a broadly apparent but locally indistinct topographic transition occurs marking the eastern end of the Southern Rocky Mountain province and the western beginning of the Great Plains physiographic province that extends across eastern Colorado and beyond (Zier and Kalasz 1999). The Great Plains province can be divided into three sections: the Raton Basin, Colorado Piedmont, and High Plains. The project area falls almost entirely within the Raton Basin section. Approximately one third of this Raton Basin occurs within southeastem Colorado. The remainder extends south into New Mexico with a small portion penetrating the northwest corner of the Oklahoma panhandle. The Raton Basin is characterized by discontinuous mesas composed of sandstone capped by basalt. This comprises the highest section of the Great Plains and is described "as a group of plateaus and mesas in advanced Project Area The focus of this project was the Purgatoire River valley and the surrounding area. The project area is bounded by Highway 10, Interstate I-25 (excluding the area around Trinidad), the New Mexico/Colorado border and Highway 109. These boundaries encompass southern Otero County, much of eastern Las Animas County and small portions of Huerfano and Pueblo Counties. The majority of land within this region is privately owned, though federal ownership is also significant with both the Comanche National Grasslands and Pinon Canyon Maneuver Site within the project boundaries. Agriculture is the basis of the local economy with cattle sales accounting for the majority of agricultural profits. Most of the grazing is done on large, multigenerational family ranches, though many ranchers supplement their own grazing land with leases on state land or the Comanche National Grasslands. Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Project Boundaries 17 stages of dissection." (Thornbury 1965:312-313 in Zier and Kalasz 1999). The higher elevation is the result of volcanic activity that occurred during the Pleistocene period when the area was blanketed by lava flows. Three subdivisions of the Raton Basin fall within the project area: the Park Plateau, Raton Mesa Group, and the Chaquaqua Plateau. A sandstone tableland, the Park Plateau lies at the foot of the Culebra Range and is drained by the Purgatoire, Apishapa, Huerfano, and Cucharas Rivers. The Plateau extends from the 13,000 foot Spanish Peaks on the west to 7,000 feet on the east. The Raton Mesa Group, comprised by a series of basalt-capped mesas, extends eastward from the Park Plateau and passes south of Trinidad. The mesas are located along the border of Colorado and New Mexico. This subsection extends to the Oklahoma panhandle. In Colorado, one of the highest mesas is Raton Mesa. Mesa de Maya and other less prominent formations are located to the east. The elevations associated with the formations in the area range from 5,000 to 9,500 feet. The drainage of the mesas occurs both northward by tributaries of the Purgatoire River and southward into the Cimarron River. The Park Plateau and Raton Mesa Group rise above surrounding flatlands that are 6,500 to 7,000 feet in elevation. These flatlands have been divided into the Chaquaqua Plateau to the north in Colorado and the Las Vegas Plateau to the south in New Mexico. The plateaus are characterized by mesas and steppes cut by a series of canyons. The Purgatoire River cuts across the Chauaqua Plateau as it drains from the Park Plateau. The St. Charles, Huerfano, and Apishapa Rivers also drain through this section (Zier and Kalasz 1999:5-7). Arkansas River The major river drainage representing the upper Arkansas River drainage basin takes in the entire southeast quadrant of Colorado. The Arkansas River headwaters result from snowmelt and direct rainwater runoff from the Sawatch and Mosquito ranges in the area of Tennessee Park, located northwest of Leadville. The Arkansas River begins as a powerful mountain stream running through narrow valleys and dropping steeply in elevation. At Canon City, the river begins to widen and flatten before entering the High Plains region near Pueblo. Numerous lesser rivers, streams and arroyos flow into the Arkansas. Mountain tributaries tend to be perennial while plains tributaries are intermittent. The Arkansas River leaves Colorado just east of Holly and extends across Kansas, Oklahoma, and Arkansas before entering the Mississippi (Zier and Kalasz 1999). Soils A number of Holocene-aged eolian and alluvial deposits are present in the Arkansas River Basin (Tweto 1979). Several geo-archaeologists have described eolian deposits in this region (Holliday 1981; Madole 1994, 1995; McFaul and Reider 1990; Schuldenrein 1985 in Zier and Kalasz 1999). Two studies have been carried out in the John Martin Reservoir area located along the Arkansas River (Holliday 1981) as well as a study of late Pleistocene-and Holocene-age deposits in eastern Colorado and western Kansas (Madole 1994, 1995). A summary provided by Zier and Kalasz (1999) outlines the results: In the John Martin Reservoir area, located along the Arkansas River, two cycles of aeolian deposition were identified Holliday (1981). The first event occurred between 6,000 and 3,000 years before present (B.P.) and is characterized by soils with cambic horizons. A younger eolian event began after 3,000 years B.P. It is characterized by clusters of active dunes having soils with weak A horizons. Madole (1994, 1995) conducted extensive research on late Pleistocene- and Holocene-age eolian deposits in eastern Colorado and western Kansas and Nebraska. He identifies seven extensive areas of deposition in the Arkansas River Basin of which some occur along the Arkansas River, Big Sandy Creek, and Apishapa River. Each is believed to exhibit characteristic soils morphology (Zier and Kalasz 1999). 18 Based on data obtained the PCMS and Lorencito Canyon, around ca. 4500 B.P., alluvial deposition once again occurred. Additionally, all other regional stratigraphic records, with the exception of the John Martin Reservoir sequence, show alluviation and soil formation at this time (Benedict 1981, 1985; Madole 1994, 1995 in Zier and Kalasz 1999). Zier and Kalasz (1999) denote the evidence of alluvial deposition: In the Turkey Canyon area, alluvial deposition and episodic soil formation continued through the middle and late Holocene. This period of alluvial deposition coincides with the Triple Lakes Glacial Advance in the Colorado Front Range between 5000 and 3000 B.P. (Benedict 1981, 1985 in Zier and Kalasz 1999). However, at John Martin Reservoir, Eolian deposition is dominant during the middle and late Holocene. Madole (1994, 1995) also notes an increase in eolian activity in eastern Colorado around 1000 B.P. This phenomenon is thought to possibly represent an indication of the onset of increasingly arid conditions for this region. The final indication of Eolian deposits younger than 100 B.P. are also common in the area, and directly relate to the historic period of the region. They suggest semiarid conditions in addition to the effects of plowing and livestock grazing (Zier and Kalasz 1999). Flora and Fauna The project area falls primarily within two ecosystems: Grassland and Pinon-Juniper Woodland. The Grassland ecosystem comprises approximately 75 percent of the context area, and lies between 4,000 and 10,000 feet. Grassland vegetation is dominant on the landscape comprising the eastern half of the area and near the Kansas border from the western High Plains across the Colorado Piedmont and Raton physiographic subsections. Near the base of Pikes Peak and at the foot of the Wet Mountains, elevation limits its advance, however the grasslands traverse around the south and continue as westward penetration into the Wet Mountain valley to the base of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains. Zier and Kalasz indicate that the "dominant plants include grasses such as blue grama, buffalograss, western wheatgrass, sand dropseed, sand bluestem, and needleandthread, sagebrush, yucca, and prickly pear cactus. Although broad areas may be covered by short grasses such as blue grama and buffalo grass, mixed-grass prairies can become established where moisture is greater" (Zier and Kalasz 1999). The habitation of mammals in the Grassland ecosystem is limited to species that have the ability to move quickly and/or to live underground due to the open and relatively unprotected nature of the grasslands. The mammals that live on the grasslands "include shrew, eastern mole, western small-footed myotis bat, cottontail and jack rabbit, ground squirrel, prairie dog, pocket gopher, pocket mouse, coyote, swift and red foxes, bobcat, weasel, badger, skunk, mule and white-tailed deer, elk, and pronghorn" (Zier and Kalasz 1999). The Pinon-Juniper Woodland ecosystem lies above the grasslands and below montane shrublands. It occurs within an elevational range of 5,500 to 8,000 feet. It encompasses about seven percent of the survey area. It is located in the upper portion of the Arkansas River drainage basin and along the southern end of the Rampart Range. It completely encircles the Wet Mountains. Additionally, isolated communities to the east, in the vicinity of Mesa de Maya and across broad areas of the Chaquaqua Plateau, are known to occur both east and west of the lower Purgatoire River. In addition to pinon, "dominant plants in this community include one-seed juniper, Rocky Mountain juniper or red cedar, blue grama, June-grass, Indian ricegrass, fescues, muhly, bluegrass, yucca, and prickly pear. On the Chaquaqua Plateau, pinonjuniper woodlands exhibit mainly one-seed juniper with only limited pinon pine" (Zier and Kalasz 1999). In Colorado the diversity of animal species found in the Pinon-Juniper Woodland ecosystem is high and is second only to that of riparian ecosystems. "Mammals include cottontail and jack rabbit, squirrel, chipmunk, mouse, Mexican woodrat, various bats, porcupine, coyote, gray fox, weasel, badger, skunk, mountain lion, bobcat, mule deer, elk, and pronghorn" (Zier and Kalasz 1999). Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Project Area Stratigraphic records from the Arkansas River Basin in southeastern Colorado related to the late Quaternary evidence nearly 13,000 years of landscape evolution. According to Zier and Kalasz (1999) "Alluvial deposition occurred across the basin during the terminal Pleistocene/early Holocene period (e.g., 11,000-10,000 B.P). An eolian event in eastern Colorado also began at this time. There is a significant lack of published information on the late Quaternary stratigraphy of the Southern Rocky Mountains". 19 20 Research Design and Methodology Research Design and Methodology Previous Survey and Designation Very few of the sites included in this survey have been previously recorded. The majority of survey previously conducted in the region has been archaeological and has been focused on the Comanche National Grasslands and Pinon Canyon Maneuver Site. Survey staff consulted with the Comanche National Grasslands to see if there was need for additional survey, but most sites had been adequately surveyed. Archaeological survey has been extensive and very few standing structures remain on the Grasslands since government policy in the 1930s was generally to remove any structures located on the land they acquired. One site was suggested for inclusion in our survey, a homestead site located just north of Highway 160 (5LA.11852). The Pinon Canyon Maneuver Site was not included within the scope of the survey, though tours of the maneuver site by survey staff indicate that the types of cultural resources located there are similar to those surveyed on the surrounding land. Colorado Preservation's New Deal Survey had previously recorded ninety-three sites in eastern Las Animas County. Since this was a recent survey and included all identifiable New Deal resources in the area, no New Deal resources were included in this survey. A COMPASS search showed little previous survey in the areas that were the focus of this survey. Most of the sites included in this survey are located on private lands and previous access has been limited. A file search was conducted to see if any of survey sites had been previously recorded. Only four such sites were located: 5LA.5847.2 (a section of the Granada Branch of the Santa Fe Trail) and 5OT.44, 5OT.312, and 5OT.540 (petroglyph sites in the Higbee vicinity). Some property owners told us about previous archaeological studies in the region, however, it seems that some of these studies were not submitted to OAHP and thus are not located in COMPASS. Additionally, there were some older surveys of archaeological resources in the COMPASS database that lacked UTM locations and included only vague descriptions and limited location information. Some of the sites recorded in this survey could have been part of these surveys, but it was impossible to determine from the available data. Seven sites within the project area have been listed on the National Register of Historic Places and/or Colorado State Register of Historic Properties. Three of these are New Deal related-sites: the Pleasant Valley School (5LA.11144), the Kim Schools (5LA.1815), and the White School (5LA.11139). Two sites are located on the Comanche National Grasslands: the Rourke Ranch Historic District (5LA.8813) and Vogel Canyon (5OT.551). The other two sites are the Trinchera Cave Archaeological District (5LA.9555) and the Torres Cave Archaeological Site (5LA.1310). Research DesignSurvey of Methodology and the Purgatoire River Region Cultural Resources 21 Survey Methodology All survey work was completed in accordance with the Office of Archaeology & Historic Preservation's Colorado Cultural Resources Survey Manual (2007). Reconnaissance-level Survey The reconnaissance-level survey began with a survey of private lands located within the identified project area. The Pinon Canyon Expansion Opposition Coalition (PCEOC) recruited landowners to participate in the survey. All landowners within the project area were invited to participate. The survey team held public meetings in La Junta and Hoehne to introduce the project and answer questions. The PCEOC acted as a liaison between the ranchers and the survey team and arranged survey dates. The survey team typically spent a day with each land owner. Some very large ranches required several days while some smaller properties could be completed in half a day. The reconnaissance-level survey concluded with an architectural survey of historical resources located along Highways 109, 160, and 350 as well as in the communities of Kim, Branson, Hoehne, and Timpas. It was important to expand the survey to include these resources in order to get a complete picture of the development of the region. The history of these communities has been closely tied to the region's homesteading growth; they boomed with the influx of homesteaders in the 1920s and declined with the drought and depression of the 1930s. This was a selective survey of resources that appeared to be more than fifty years old. Only resources with reasonable levels of historic integrity were included; resources that had been extensively altered and appeared to retain limited historic fabric were not included. Archaeology was not included in this portion of the survey since it was conducted from public roadways, resulting in a restricted view of the site features and surrounding land. However, since these resources are less isolated than other resources surveyed (and some are still in use) the ground around them is generally highly disturbed and finding surface level artifacts is unlikely. What was surveyed? Land owners were asked to guide the survey team to any prehistoric or historic sites on their land that they thought might be of interest. Having this land owner involvement in the survey process was essential to the project's success. Land owners were more comfortable participating in a survey project in which they could directly participate. Their knowledge of the land also made their participation essential for surveying as many sites as possible. Due to the varied topography, juniper woodlands, and many canyons, sites could be difficult to find. Access was also challenging with most sites accessible either by rough two-track trails or off road driving. Without land owner guidance, the survey team could have spent a lot of time wandering aimlessly and not finding much. Landowner participation created a directed survey that enabled the largest possible number of resources to be recorded during the project. The survey team spent between ten and forty-five minutes at each of the sites depending on its size and complexity. Field survey included a brief walkthrough of the site noting standing architecture, architectural ruins, architectural foundations, related associated features, and material culture (i.e. artifacts). 22 The reconnaissance-level survey was intended to present a general overview of the types of sites in the region and their location, but is in no way a complete recording of the sites. Instead, the reconnaissance-level survey should be considered a tool to guide additional survey efforts in the future. The Survey Team The survey team always included an historical archaeologist (Richard Carrillo) and an architectural historian (Abbey Christman). Prehistoric archaeologist Roche Lindsay accompanied the survey team during the first week of survey, but since the majority of sites being surveyed were historical rather prehistoric, paying for the prehistoric archaeologist to conduct all reconnaissancelevel fieldwork did not seem to be the best use of available funds. Especially since the reconnaissance-level survey was simply recording basic information about the sites and did not include any analysis. Instead, it was decided that the historical archaeologist would record the prehistoric sites during the reconnaissance phase, and the prehistoric archaeologist would be brought back into the project at the intensive level. The survey team sometimes included additional members: CPI employees Lindsay Joyner (architectural historian) and Claudia Woodman (archaeologist) or Minette Church (historical archaeologist). The property owners also became an essential part of the survey team. Many of the ranches being surveyed were multigenerational, with their family roots in the region dating to the late nineteenth or early twentieth centuries. Many ranchers had family stories to share about the sites on their land. Some of the older ranchers personally remembered the former residents of the homestead ruins on their land. They also helped the survey team understand the region's cultural landscape and the ranching traditions. Reconnaissance-level survey forms A reconnaissance-level survey form was created for the project and submitted to SHF/OAHP for approval. The site form includes all the basic information needed to list a site in the COMPASS database including county, resource name, resource location, owner name & address, geographic location information (including UTM coordinates and PLSS information), recorder, and date of survey. There were a few exceptions to this. Some of the land surveyed around Highway 10 is not divided into sections on the USGS topographic maps, so no PLSS information was included for these sites. And no property owner information was included for the resources surveyed from public roadways. No plat book directory showing rural property ownership is available for Otero or Las Animas Counties (unlike many other eastern Colorado counties) and researching ownership for these properties at the courthouse was time prohibitive. Site photographs were also incorporated into the form with an overview image on the first page and additional images on continuation pages. Since this project spanned multiple disciplines, the form also identified whether the site recorded was potentially significant for prehistoric archaeology, historical archaeology, or architectural history (or any combination of the three). Next, the site components were briefly described such as petroglyph, tipi ring, rock shelter, metate, rock inscription, trail, dugout, dwelling, loafing shed, corral, etc. Each identifiable site component was listed. For architectural sites, construction materials were recorded as well. A notes section was included on the form as a place to record any information on the site Research DesignSurvey of Methodology and the Purgatoire River Region Cultural Resources 23 Landowners guided the survey team to a wide range of resources including petroglyphs, abandoned homesteads, one-room schools, irrigation projects, and cemeteries. The fact that this survey was guided by private property owners taking the survey team to sites skewed the types of prehistoric sites identified during the survey. Rock art sites are the most easily identifiable to the non-archaeologist. The layperson may not recognize flakes or debitage or stratified sites with multiple layers of deposition. Thus, rock art sites were the most identified in the survey, though lithic scatters may outnumber rock art sites by 100:1 and stratified sites by 3:1. Additionally, due to the fact that looting of archaeological sites on private property has previously been a problem, some ranchers may have been hesitant to have some archaeological sites formally recorded. Some of the landowners have private collections of arrowheads and other artifacts discovered on their land. When possible the archaeologists examined these collections. shared by the property owner as well as commentary on the site from the survey team. When surface level artifacts were visible on the site, these were listed in an artifacts section. The form also recorded a level of priority for additional survey. This item was primarily for the use of the survey team in order to prioritize sites for the intensive level survey. USGS topographic maps showing the site locations were also attached to each form. Back in the office, the architectural survey team conducted additional research on each apparent homestead site. Site locations were searched in the General Land Office records (available online at http://www.glorecords.blm.gov/) in order to locate homestead patent information. This information was included on the site form whenever available. The information recorded on the reconnaissance-level survey forms is based on site notes taken by Abbey Christman and Richard Carrillo during field survey. The reconnaissance-level survey forms were completed by Lindsay Joyner, Ashley Bushey, Lauren Trice, and Michelle Chichester. The forms were reviewed and edited by Abbey Christman and Richard Carrillo. Intensive-level survey What was surveyed? Sites for the intensive-level survey were selected based on a variety of criteria including potential significance and physical integrity. Efforts were made to select a variety of site types with geographical diversity throughout the project area. Landowner interest in intensive level survey was also considered. Selection was challenging since many more sites called for intensive level survey than the restraints of time and money would allow. According to the project grant application, the intensive-level survey would include at least fifteen sites with archaeological significance and fifty sites with architectural significance. The final project included the archaeological survey of twenty-three sites and the architectural survey of fifty sites. These totals include fifteen sites surveyed for both historical archaeology and architecture. These sites were jointly selected by Richard Carrillo and Abbey Christman as sites with both a strong archaeological and architectural component. The majority of sites selected were homesteads, but two moradas and a railroad site were also included. One homestead site without a significant architectural component was surveyed for just historical archaeology. Seven sites were selected for prehistoric archaeology by Richard Carrillo, Roche Lindsay, and Abbey Christman. The resources surveyed for archaeology were all pulled from the private landowner portion of the reconnaissance survey. Thirty-five resources were selected for intensive-level survey for architecture only. These sites included resources from the private landowner survey as well as the survey of communities in the region. Two resources each in Branson and Kim were selected for inclusion as well as two schools and a commercial building initially recorded during the survey from public roadways. In total, the architectural survey included two agricultural sites, five dams and/or irrigation projects, four schools, three commercial buildings, two residential complexes, a jail, and a post office, as well as seventeen additional homesteads. While most of the other site types surveyed do not include an archaeological component, most of the additional homesteads surveyed do have an archaeological component. However, the scope of this project did not allow for the inclusion of an archaeologist in the evaluation of these sites, so archaeology was not part of the site evaluation. 24 For the intensive-level survey, the prehistoric sites were recorded by Roche Lindsay. The sites documented for historical archaeology and architectural history were recorded by Richard Carrillo, Michelle Slaughter, and Abbey Christman. Additional field survey assistants included Lindsay Joyner, Emily Noggle, Michelle Chichester, Lauren Trice, and Ashley Bushey. Assistants measured site features and completed sketch maps. For architecture only sites, the survey was conducted by Abbey Christman accompanied by at least one of the assistants mentioned above. How were the sites recorded? The prehistoric archaeology sites were recorded using the Management Data Form (1400), Prehistoric Archaeology Component Form (1401), and the Rock Art Component Form (1407) as needed. One of the prehistoric sites had been previously surveyed so a Cultural Resource Re-evaluation Form (1405) was also completed. The historical archaeology sites were recorded using the Management Data Form (1401) and Historical Archaeological Component Form (1402). For sites including architecture as well as archaeology, the Historic Architectural Component Form (1404) was completed as well. Staff consulted with OAHP staff to decide which form to use for the sites surveyed only for architecture. It was decided that the Management Data Form and Historic Architectural Component Form would be used for complex sites that included multiple buildings or features, particularly homesteads, in order to maintain some continuity with the homesteads surveyed for both archaeology and architecture. No Historical Archaeological Component Form was completed for these sites since an archaeologist did not participate in the field survey of these sites. The Architectural Inventory Form (1403) was used to record less complex sites such as school buildings. Roche Lindsay completed the forms for the sites recorded for prehistoric archaeology. Richard Carrillo completed the forms for the site surveyed for only historical archaeology. For the sites surveyed for both historical archaeology and architectural history, Richard Carrillo completed the Historical Archaeological Component Forms (1402). The Historic Architectural Component Forms (1404) were completed by Abbey Christman, Lindsay Joyner, and Michelle Chichester. The Management Data Forms (1400) were completed jointly. For the sites surveyed only for architecture, forms were completed by Abbey Christman, Lindsay Joyner, and Michelle Chichester. Kathleen Corbett (architectural historian) provided research and editing assistance for historical archaeology and architecture forms. For the archaeological survey, archaeological potential was evaluated by recording foundations, depressions representing dugouts, root cellars, outhouse pits, etc., and other features that had past associations with present standing architecture. Additionally, the selected sites included an intense Class III archaeological survey (10 m spaced intervals) of the site oriented along a compass grid and included areas situated within a minimum of 30 meters (100') from the central core of the site. All observed features were described, mapped, and photographed. For architectural survey, all standing structures, ruins, and foundations on the site were recorded. Other features such as corrals, pens, cisterns, wells, retaining walls, and terraces were also recorded. All manmade modifications as well as the placement of the site within the landscape were considered as the potential eligibility of each site as a rural historic landscape was considered. During the intensive survey the site boundaries were defined by the visual extent of cultural features, including architecture, foundations, depressions, corrals, and artifacts. For homesteads this generally included the homestead residential complex and associated livestock features. The scope of this survey project did not allow for the survey of the entire homestead, which could range in size from 160 to 640 acres. Photography During the reconnaissance phase all photography was taken by Abbey Christman using a digital camera. The color photographs were inserted into the reconnaissance-level survey form, which was created in Word. Forms were printed on a Sharp MX-4501N office printer. For the intensive-level survey, photographs for the prehistoric sites were taken by Roche Lindsay and photographs for 5OT.1145 were taken by Richard Carrillo using digital cameras. Photos were inserted into Word documents and printed in color on a Sharp MX-4501N office Research DesignSurvey ofMethodology and the Purgatoire River Region Cultural Resources 25 The Survey Team printer. The photographs for all sites including architecture were printed in black and white using a HP Photosmart 8050 printer with HP 100 gray photo ink. Photos were printed on 4" x 6" HP Premium Photo Paper and were placed in archival sleeves. Photographs used in the survey report are from the reconnaissance and intensive levels of the survey. The majority of photographs are by Abbey Christman, but some of the photographs in the Archaeology Results section are by Roche Lindsay and Richard Carrillo. Mapping For the reconnaissance-level survey, USGS topographic maps identifying the location of the site were submitted with each form. Site locations were derived from UTM points taken in the field with a handheld Garmin or Delorme GPS. The maps were generated using National Geographic's TOPO! program. For the intensive-level survey, site maps showing all features were completed for each site. Roche Lindsay completed the maps for the prehistoric survey. For the sites including historical archaeology, maps were created by Michelle Slaughter. A handheld Trimble GPS system was used to record location points in the field, and these were then used to create a computer-generated map. When needed, supplemental sketch maps illustrating architectural features were drawn by Lindsay Joyner and Michelle Chichester. For the sites surveyed only for architecture, field measurements were taken with a tape measure. Lindsay Joyner and Michelle Chichester used these field measurements, along with field sketches, to draw the site maps. Graduate-level architecture students from Ekaterini Vlahos' class at the University of Colorado Denver assisted with field recording of the Coy Homestead (5LA.11675) and the Villareal Homestead (5LA.11736) and prepared a variety of site maps. These are attached to the site forms. Research General background research on the project area was conducted at the beginning of the project. Abbey Christman visited the La Junta Public Library, Trinidad Public Library, Trinidad History Museum, and the Louden-Henritze Archaeology Museum to see what information was available on the development of the region. Additional research continued throughout the project as the historic context study was developed and the intensive-level forms were completed. Other research locations included the Stephen Hart Library at the Colorado Historical Society and the Western History and Genealogy Department of the Denver Public Library. Research materials were also acquired through the Denver Public Library's interlibrary loan program. The RSVP (Retired Senior Volunteer Program) conducted newspaper research, going through late nineteenth and early twentieth century issues of the La Junta newspaper looking for articles related to the project area. With the traditional construction methods found throughout the region, there is usually very little to distinguish between a structure built in 1890 or 1930. Thus, site specific historical research was essential to determining when a homestead was constructed. Site specific research presented many challenges. The majority of the sites surveyed have been vacant for at least fifty years, many longer. Property owners generally had limited information about the site, often little more than the name of the homesteader which had been passed down through the family. It was found that pastures or other land features were often named after homesteaders. In addition to discussions with land owners, additional oral history interviews were conducted with Mary Ann Allsworth, Bub Autry, Tillie Autry, and Vidal Martinez, both for general and site specific information. Site specific research was conducted at the Otero County Courthouse and Las Animas County Courthouse, though tracing the ownership of rural properties through courthouse records was very difficult. It was also found that most regional history sources, including newspapers, were focused on La Junta or Trinidad and not the rural area lying between them. For each apparent homestead site, a search of the property location was conducted in the General Land Office (GLO) records available through the Bureau of Land Management's website (http://www.glorecords.blm.gov/) to determine who patented the land and the date of the patent. This information was included on the reconnaissance-level forms for all homestead sites. The survey team then searched for the names of patentees in the U.S. Census records available online through Ancestry.com. Information available through census records included a homesteader's year of birth, place of birth, family members, and occupations prior to homesteading. The census research was incorporated into intensive level site forms as well as a table showing all homestead sites surveyed (see Appendix B). The homesteading table provides a broad overview of homesteading in the region, showing when homesteaders arrived and where they came from. For the majority of homestead sites, the patentee in the GLO records appears to be the one associated with the site surveyed. In most cases, the homestead patent information was verified by the material culture observed at the site. In some cases, however, the archival dates do not correspond with the material culture dates that may be either earlier or later than the archival dates. There are several possible explanations for material culture evidence that appears to predate the homestead patent. One is that the site may have been used by unofficial occupants or "squatters" before the homesteading boom when the land was much more sparsely populated. This could include people living on the land as well as cowboys or sheepherders using the land as a temporary camp site while herding. Additionally, many more people filled for homesteads than actually successfully proved up on homesteads. After filing, 26 For the intensive level survey additional homestead documents were obtained from the Land Entry Files of the GLO (Record Group 49) at the National Archives in Washington, D.C. This research was conducted by Lauren Trice and Lindsay Joyner. These records include the final proof offered to the government to establish that all homestead conditions had been met. The homesteader had to report on all buildings and site improvements as well as agricultural production. Two witnesses were also required to support the testimony. These files provide an extremely valuable look at the homestead experience. Though there are a few anomalies, generally the descriptions in the homestead records fit the sites surveyed remarkably well. Whenever available, information from the homestead proofs can be found on the Historic Architectural Component Form (1404) in the Associated Contexts and Historical Information section. Project research was completed by Abbey Christman, Lindsay Joyner, Kathleen Corbett, Lauren Trice, and Emily Noggle. Graphic Design The survey report and historic context study were designed using Adobe InDesign. Graphic design was done by Michelle Chichester. Public Outreach Historic Context Study A separate historic context study was completed for public distribution. The context study will be sent to all land owners participating in the project as well as local museums, libraries, and other interested organizations. A summary of the historic context study can be found in the historic context section of this report. The context study was designed to be accessible to the general reader. The goal was to enhance understanding of the broader historical significance of the region's cultural resources as well as to provide a document that can guide preservation planning and be used to develop future historical interpretation in the region. The historic context study was written by Richard Carrillo, Abbey Christman, Kathleen Corbett, and Lindsay Joyner. Web Pages An overview of the survey project has been placed on the Colorado Preservation website along with web pages for each of the historic contexts. The web pages were designed by Michelle Chichester. Presentations Public and professional presentations on the survey were given by Abbey Christman, Richard Carrillo, Lindsay Joyner, and Michelle Slaughter (see Appendix D for a complete list). 5LA.11736 Students from the University of Colorado-Denver at the Villareal Homestead for a documentation class site visit . Research DesignSurvey of Methodology and the Purgatoire River Region Cultural Resources 27 an applicant had five years to establish residence and make required improvements including building a house and making the land agriculturally productive. Many filed and tried homesteading, but gave up before actually acquiring the patent or title to the land. In this case, the land would still be available for future homesteading. The GLO records only show who successfully patented the land, they do not show previous unsuccessful attempts to homestead. For sites that appear to postdate the archival data, this could reflect the continued development of the site by the original homesteader or descendants. Or the homestead may have been sold and developed by a later owner. 28 Historic Contexts A separate historic context study was prepared as part of this project. The goal of the historic context study was to provide a history of the region specifically tailored to the resources surveyed. Each site surveyed relates to at least one of the historic contexts, and all historic contexts represent sites found during the survey. The historic context study can be used to better understand the types of resources located in the survey area, to help evaluate the historical significance of individual resources, and to interpret these resources through heritage tourism. The historic context study is divided into the following sections: Prehistoric Overview of the Region, Native American Ethnohistory, Historical Archaeology of the Region, Settlement and Ethnicity, the Homestead Acts, Vernacular Architecture of the Region, Transportation, Cattle Ranching, Sheep, Farming, Commerce and Industry, Religion, Education, and Depression & the Dust Bowl. Many of the site types surveyed extend over several of these contexts, such as springs which were as essential to the region's prehistoric occupants as to its later cowboys. Further, it is not always possible to determine which context a particular site may be associated with. Both prehistoric peoples and Hispanic homesteaders used metates to process food. Collections of fire crack rock indicate the presence of a campsite, but determining who camped there is much more difficult. Historic Contexts Historic Contexts Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 29 Prehistory of the Region Though this region has seen around 12,000 years of occupation by Prehistoric peoples, most of the evidence of this use is buried beneath this surface. This survey was focused on visible sites, and the majority of resources documented were related to the Apishapa Phase (roughly 1000 A.D.-1400 A.D.). Site types associated with the Apishapa include rock shelters, camp sites, and stone/ slab enclosures. The canyon areas were particularly attractive for habitation, providing shelter, water, and likely more food resources. The exposed sandstone cliffs in the canyon areas also provided a canvas for rock art. Site types: � � � � Rock Art � Campsites Shelters � Springs Stone/Slab Enclosures � Lithic Scatter Bedrock Metates 5LA.11756 Stone/Slab Enclosure 5LA.11886 Animal Rock Art 5PE.6955 Rock art 5LA.11724 Rock Art 5PE.6955 Rock Art 5LA.11881 Stone/Slab Enclosure 30 5LA.11756 Lookout 5LA.11647 Tipi ring Native American Ethnohistory The Comanche and Kiowa moved into the region around 1700 with the Sioux, Arapahoe, and Cheyenne arriving after 1800. With a nomadic, equestrian lifestyle that emphasized bison hunting, there are few visible remains of their occupation. Many of the historic trails identified may have been originally established as Native American travel routes. During the survey, the most common site type was tipi rings. These are believed to be the footprints of the circular, portable, hide-covered tipis used for housing; the stones functioned as weights to secure the covering. 5LA.11641 Bedrock metate Site types: � � � � � Tipi Rings Campsites Rock Art Springs Trails 5OT.1131 Spring Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Historic Contexts 31 5LA.11675 Can. Site types: � � � � 5OT.1142 Trash scatter Homesteads � Campsites Communities � Moradas Trash Scatters � Trails Rock Inscriptions 5LA.11675 Worked glass Historical Archaeology of the Region The historical period in the region begins with Spanish, French and American exploration parties from the late 1600s into the 1800s. Settlement of the region began in the 1850s and 1860s and continued through the 1920s. Historical archaeology plays a vital role in illuminating the lives of the region's settlers on which there is limited written documentation. Within the survey project, historical archaeology was focused primarily abandoned homesteads. These often included large collections of surface level artifacts and as well as building ruins and other manmade features indicating the site's use. Abandoned communities, historic trails, and campsites were also identified. 5LA.11639 Stove 32 5LA.11831 Hole-in-top can 5LA.11648 Road 5LA.11682Trash scatter 5LA.11753 Inscription Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Historic Contexts 33 Settlement and Ethnicity This region of Colorado is unique in providing an opportunity to examine the mixing of Anglo-American and Hispanic cultures. Southeastern Colorado is historically a borderland, in which different groups of people have lived and interacted over the course of thousands of years. In the 1860s, the first permanent settlers along the Purgatoire were Hispanic families from northern New Mexico. They were followed by Anglo-American homesteaders in the 1870s. Both groups were hit hard by droughts and blizzards in the 1880s and economic depression in the early 1890s. Many settlers left the area and few newcomers arrived until a wave of homesteaders (both Hispanic and Anglo-American) were drawn to the region in the 1910s after the government enlarged the size of homestead claims. Surveyed homesteads display a mix of cultural influences, demonstrating the ways in which homesteaders combined the cultural traditions of their place of birth with adaptations to their new environment. Many traditional features of New Mexican architecture such as adobe construction, flat roofs composed of vigas and latias, outdoor ovens, and corner fireplaces became common in the Purgatoire River Region. Ethnic heritage is also evident is some of the region's community resources. In the Purgatoire River Region, Penitente moradas and local cemeteries provide clear links between the Hispanic culture of New Mexico and southeastern Colorado. 5LA.11675 Cliff house 5LA.11791 Stone foundation with adobe superstructure 5LA.11736 Dwelling with a flat roof composed of vigas and latias 5LA.11781 Window frame 34 5PE.6954 Dugout Site types: � Homesteads � Community Resources 5OT.1094 Martinez Cemetery 5LA.11894 Hils-Doll Homestead 5LA.11676 Corner Fireplace Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Historic Contexts 35 5LA.11976 Dugout with log superstructure 5PE.6955 Barn with railroad ties 5LA.11635 Cistern 5PE.6953 Dugout 5LA.11875 Stone house 5LA.11913 Homestead complex 36 Site types: � Homesteads 5LA.11780 Homestead 5LA.11784 Two-story dwelling with a fireplace 5LA.11880 Homestead Historic Contexts The Homestead Act of 1862 was one of the most significant events in the westward expansion of the United States. By granting free land, it allowed nearly any man or woman a chance to live the American dream of owning his or her own land. Signed into law in 1862 by Abraham Lincoln, this Act turned over vast amounts of the public domain to private citizens. Each homesteader had to live on the land, build a home, and farm for five years before they were eligible to "prove up." Though there were scattered homesteads established in the region beginning in the 1870s, the homesteading boom did not arrive until the 1910s-1920s after the passage of the Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909 and the Stock Raising Act of 1916. Most of the homesteads were short lived, abandoned during the drought, dust storms and depression of the 1930s. The ruins of these homesteads can still be found across the region. Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region The Homestead Acts 37 Site types: � � � � � Homesteads Ranch Headquarters One-room Schools PostOffices Commercial Buildings 5OT.1096 Corral construction that incorporates a natural boulder 5LA.11745 Stone construction 5LA.11673 Adobe construction Vernacular Architecture Early settlers brought building traditions with them into the Purgatoire River region but quickly adapted these to local materials and conditions. Many homesteaders excavated the earth to create a dugout dwelling. Others used dirt to make adobe bricks or quarried local sandstone. Large trees were sparse, so most wood construction was limited to jacal buildings, composed of vertically placed juniper and pinon logs plastered with mud. Working with what was available, many settlers utilized natural landscape features such as building against canyon walls, constructing sheep pens across arroyos, and creating chicken houses within natural rock outcroppings. The combination of architectural features found throughout the surveyed sites reveals much about the settlers' responses to their geographic remoteness, their capacity for adaptation, and the influence of cultural backgrounds on building methods and arranging space. Though most of the region's homesteads are in ruins, having been abandoned since the 1930s, they still have much to tell about the homesteading experience. Many of today's ranch headquarters have evolved from homestead sites and are excellent examples of architectural evolution and adaptation. The architecture of the rural community buildings serving the homesteaders is similar to that found on homesteads, with sandstone and adobe predominant. The architecture of Kim, Branson, and Hoehne is more mixed, with some regionally distinctive buildings combined with vernacular types found in small towns across eastern Colorado. 5LA.11778 Dwelling with an attached dugout 5LA.11736 Jacal chicken coop 38 5HF.2336 Denver & Rio Grande Railroad Depot 5LA.11597 DAR trail marker Transportation Transportation across the region has taken a variety of forms since humans first traversed the region. Over time, different modes of transport have appeared, but these have often followed routes established by earlier peoples with earlier technologies. The Mountain Branch of the Santa Fe Trail began carrying travelers through the region in the 1820s. As settlement developed, stagecoach lines, railroads, and asphalt-paved highways followed this route from Bent's Fort to Trinidad, and south from there over Raton Pass to Santa Fe. The railroad arrived in 1876, bringing new commercial goods to residents and providing a critical link for cattle ranchers to move livestock to distant eastern markets. The rail lines and depots in the area did good business until after World War II, when better roads and increased truck transport led to the closing of many small depots. As settlement increased, the demand for decent roads increased as well. Early roads had been dictated by topography, following and conforming to contours and physical features of land and water. As homesteaders claimed land in parcels dictated by the more abstract township and range system, which ignored topography in favor of strict uniformity of parcel size, new roads often bounded properties and were built along section lines. The survey documented traces of several roads from 19th century trails to original routes of Highways 350 and 160. Though the rail line from La Junta to Trindad was once lined with depots, none remain. However, a depot located on the Denver and Rio Grande route through Huerfano County was documented. 5LA.11648 Road 5LA.11788 Trinidad Highway bridge Site types: � Historic trails and road beds � Railroad Resources � Culverts and Bridges 5OT.1165 Section of the original Hwy 350 Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Historic Contexts 39 5LA.11831 JJ Line Camp 5LA.11715 Corral Site types: � � � � � Corrals LoafingShedsandBarns Line Camps Windmills and Stock Tanks Ranch Headquarters 5LA.11832 Brands carved into rock 5PE.6944 Cattle squeeze 5LA.11833 Windmill with remains of a stock tank 40 5PE.6944 Loading chute Cattle Ranching In the late 19th and early 20th centuries large AngloAmerican and European interests controlled and dominated the economy of the region, running large cattle operations. Settlement was sparse and the open range dominated. The homesteading boom of the 1910s ended the days of the open range as grasslands were replaced by farm fields. However, most attempts to farm were ended by the drought and dust storms of the 1930s. Abandoned homesteads were accumulated into large ranching operations and cattle raising again became the primary occupation of the region. Ranching has become an intrinsic part of the cultural landscape and numerous traces of the cattle industry were documented during the survey, from remains of large cattle operations like the JJ Ranch and Bloom Cattle Company to homestead corrals that continue to be used for yearly round ups. 5LA.11804 Homestead remains 5LA.11855 Collapsed Windmill Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Historic Contexts 41 5LA.11791 Dipping vat 5LA.11628 Stone cairn Sheep Raising Although no longer as substantial a part of the agricultural economy as in the early days of settlement, sheep ranching is significant to the historic heritage of southeastern Colorado. Before cattle were introduced from Texas in the era of open range ranching, Hispanic farmers moving north along the Purgatoire brought with them the Churros descended of the sheep shipped to the New World by Spaniards in the 1500s. As Hispanic plaza settlements spread along the Purgatoire, and with markets for wool and mutton in the mountain mining regions and in the coal fields of the Raton Basin, sheep ranching became a lucrative endeavor. The boom in sheep raising in the 1870s and early 1880s saw, at its peak, as many as 300,000 head of sheep exported annually from the region. Since World War II, the sheep industry has virtually disappeared from the region due to shifting consumer trends and preferences, increased competition from foreign wool production, changes in subsidy and incentive payment programs, and difficulty finding herders. However, traces of the sheep industry can be found across the region, most commonly in the stone sheep pens constructed ingeniously built into the natural landscape, incorporating boulders, bluffs, and other topographic features. 5LA.11791 Stone pen Site types: � Sheep Pens � Lambing Pens or Sheds � Dipping Vats � Sheep Camps 5LA.11682 Sheep shear 42 Site types: � Dams � Diversion Structures and Irrigation Ditches � Agricultural Storage Facilities 5PE.6954 Apishapa River diversion structure Farming Most of the semi-arid land in the region was not suitable for the 160-acre farms established under the original Homestead Act. The region became more attractive to homesteaders in 1909 with the Enlarged Homestead Act, which increased the number of acres per homesteader to 320 in areas where the land could not be irrigated. This coincided with the growing popularity of dryland farming techniques. Scientific moisture management methods, including deep seeding, contour furrowing, and soil aeration were widely promoted as the key to farming lands formerly thought barren. Others attempted to bring water to the region through the construction of dams and diversion projects. There was some success initially and fields of grain replaced native grasses. But the drought and dust storms of the 1930s drove farmers out, and today there is only a limited amount of farming within the region. 5LA.11921 Kim beanery 5OT.1120 Timpas diversion structure 5LA.11865 Model ditch 5LA.11835 Granaryon a homestead Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Historic Contexts 43 5LA.11923 Dickey's General Store in Kim 5LA.11907 Earl Store 5OT.1178 Higbee Post Office 5LA.11911 Town of Model 5LA.11922 Kim Jail 44 The term community encompasses a range of settlement types. Some were small towns with a collection of residential, community, and commercial buildings. More often a community was simply a grouping of small buildings that might include a store, school, and post office serving the surrounding agricultural community. And many were simply a dispersed community of homesteaders centered around a rural post office and perhaps a school. Rural communities could be spread across several square miles, but still provided a strong sense of identity for homesteaders. They relied on fellow community members to combat the isolation of living on widely dispersed farms. The community was also a support network and neighbors assisted each other with the harvest and other farming and ranching activities. Today many of the region's communities are marked by little more than a vacant store or schoolhouse due to population decline and improved transportation to larger commercial centers. Three towns survive within the project: Branson, Hoehne, and Kim. 5LA.11901 Hoehne Blacksmith Shop. 5LA.11940 Branson Jail. Site types: � � � � Commercial buildings PostOffices Jails Active and Abandoned Communities 5LA.11844 Lone Oak Post Office 5LA.11899 Hoehne Store Historic Contexts Dozens of communities were once scattered through the survey region. Their establishment coincided with population growth sparked by railroad promotion, agricultural speculation and homesteading booms. Although isolated on their individual homesteads, settlers on the plains of southeastern Colorado relied on local communities for their economic and social needs. Homesteaders traveled to nearby communities to purchase goods and services and to sell their crops and livestock as well as for church meetings or local dances. Entrepreneurs were often drawn to newly settled regions in search of underserved markets. Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Commerce and Community 45 5LA.11863 Earl School 5LA.11861 Abandoned school near Walt's Corner 5LA.11914 Tyrone School Site types: � Schools � Teacherages 5LA.11947 Interior of Villegreen School Education The establishment of school districts and construction of school buildings reflected the population trends of rural Colorado: where homesteaders settled, schools soon followed to serve a population spread out among farms and ranches. Because of the difficulty of travel--most students walked or rode horses to school--schools were typically located so that children would not have to travel more than five miles. Las Animas County once contained more than 130 school districts. The establishment of school districts followed the periods of settlement: a scattering of schools were established across the area in the 1870s and 1880s as the initial group of settlers arrived; few new districts were seen between 1894 and 1908; and more than fifty districts were established in the eastern portion of the county between 1909 and 1929, reflecting the homesteading boom. Most districts were represented by a single schoolhouse, typically containing only one room. Rural schools were the focal point of rural communities. A school building might be the only physical structure indicating the location of a rural neighborhood. It was used for social gatherings as well as religious services, funerals, and grange meetings. 5LA.11619 Remains of school desks 46 � Churches � Moradas � Cemeteries 5LA.11929 Church in Kim 5LA.11769 Riverside Bible School 5LA.11941 Branson Church 5OT.1180 Penitente Morada Historic Contexts Though religion served an important role in the lives of many in the region, isolation on individual homesteads and the difficulties of travel made attending church services challenging. Churches were located in larger communities like Branson and Kim, but for many these were too far to travel on a weekly basis. However, homesteaders often formed their own more informal religious gatherings, meeting in local schools or other available buildings for bible study or to hear traveling preachers. Groups of Hispanic settlers constructed moradas to hold gatherings of the Penitente Brotherhood, a lay sect of the Catholic Church. The brotherhood was brought to the region from New Mexico, where it arose to serve those seeking a spiritual community but too distant from established churches and priests. Site types: Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Religion 47 5LA.11783 Abandoned Homestead 5LA.11134 Bunker Hill School 5OT.1142 Dugout 5OT.1148 Concrete dugout Comanche National Grasslands 48 A series of New Deal programs were designed to help, from providing immediate jobs to long-term changes in land use patterns. In many dryland areas, including southern Otero County, the government decided ranching was the more environmentally suitable, as well as economically viable, land use. Larger land parcels were needed for ranching than for farming, so the federal government began purchasing small farms located on marginal lands. Owners were offered assistance in purchasing more suitable lands elsewhere. The new federal lands were taken out of cultivation and jobs were created to restore the prairie through contour furrowing, reseeding, and planting shelterbelts. Once prairie grasses were restored, lands were leased for grazing. These lands were eventually turned into the Comanche National Grasslands and they continue to be used for government-managed cattle ranching today. The Works Progress Administration (WPA), established in 1935, funded many work projects in the region, especially road and school projects. However, these were excluded from the survey since they were recently surveyed by Colorado Preservation, Inc. as part of a previous project. Las Animas Culvert 5LA.12474 McArthur School, built by the WPA 5LA.11620 Abandonded Homestead Site types: � Abandoned homesteads � New Deal resources 5LA.11816 Dugout Historic Contexts During the 1930s, southeastern Colorado received only 126 inches of moisture, 205 less than during the 1920s. Crops withered, leaving nothing to hold the fine topsoil in place, and resulting in severe erosion and dust storms. Many of the new homesteaders were forced off their land, losing their property for back taxes or selling out to their more successful neighbors. Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Depression and the Dust Bowl 49 50 Survey Results: Reconnaissance-level Survey Survey Results: Reconnaissance-level Survey During the reconnaissance-level survey 454 resources were recorded. A total of 350 sites were surveyed in Las Animas County, 81 in Otero County, 15 in Pueblo County, and 8 in Huerfano County. A list of all the sites can be found in Appendix A. As discussed in the methodology section, rock art was the most common prehistoric resource type surveyed due to the fact that it is the most recognizable to non-archaeologists. A total of 66 sites included a prehistoric component; 50 of these were surveyed only for their prehistoric significance while the remainder also included later components significant for historical archaeology or architecture. The most common prehistoric site type surveyed was rock art which represented 24 sites. The survey also included 14 sites prehistoric sites with bedrock metates, 10 sites with apparent Apishapa structures, and 7 sites with tipi rings. A total of 304 sites were recorded for historical archaeology. This included 20 sites significant only for historical archaeology, 268 surveyed in conjunction with architectural history, 11 sites surveyed in conjunction with prehistoric archaeology, and the remainder a mix of all three disciplines. Site types surveyed for historical archaeology include rock inscriptions, trails, and homesteads. Sites surveyed only for historical archaeology and not architecture were those without standing architectural features and for which the primary potential was artifact recovery. Homesteads were excluded from the archaeological survey if the site had been extensively disturbed, such as sites that were still in use. A total of 371 sites were surveyed for architecture. Of these, 268 were surveyed in conjunction with historical archaeology. Architectural survey was conducted on all sites with ruins sufficiently intact to be able to determine the building shape and foundation materials. It also included manmade features of the cultural landscape. Of the 98 sites surveyed only for architecture, the vast majority were surveyed during the roadside portion of the reconnaissance survey which did not include archaeology. There were 5 sites which included prehistoric archaeology, historical archeology, and architectural history. Survey Results: Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Reconnaissance-level Survey 51 The following are the most common site types indentified in the historical archaeology and architecture survey (sites could be listed in more than one category; see Appendix A for a complete listing): Homesteads (209 recorded): This category includes sites either known or presumed to have been settled under one of the homesteading acts. Abandoned residential/agricultural complexes from the late 19th century through the 1930s were generally presumed to be homestead sites. Some of these could also have been squatter sites or temporary camps for cattle or sheep herding operations. Residences (35 recorded): This category primarily includes sites surveyed from public roadways during the second part of the reconnaissance-level survey. This includes houses in Kim, Branson, and Hoehne as well as buildings visible from Highways 109, 160, and 350. Unlike homesteads, the majority of which were in ruins, the majority of the residences surveyed were intact (though not necessarily in good condition). Most of these properties are either still in use or were in use until more recently than the homesteads. These residences generally seem to have closer connections to the region's communities, but it is possible that some of these were built by homesteaders. There were also a few ruined sites that were located on state land that was not homesteaded, so these were also recorded as residences. Ranch Headquarters (6 recorded): This category includes sites that serve as contemporary centers for ranch operations and include a combination of domestic and agricultural buildings. The survey team visited many ranch headquarters during the course of the survey, but only those with historic features were included in the survey. Agricultural/livestock related (33 recorded): Corrals and sheep pens were the most common site types recorded in this category. Only agricultural related sites that did not include a domestic component were recorded here. There are many more agricultural resources that are part of homesteads or residential complexes. Water-related (30 recorded): This category included all features related to efforts to retain or divert water including irrigation ditches, dams, stock ponds, and diversion structures. 5LA.11754 Cordova Plaza 52 Commercial/ industrial (22 recorded): There are relatively few commercial businesses located within the project area. This category included stores in Hoehne and Kim as well as businesses located along Highways 350 and 160. Some businesses included an attached residence. Most of these are no longer in operation. Churches or Cemeteries (19 recorded): This category included churches in Branson and Kim, Penitente moradas, and burial sites. Some of these burial sites are community cemeteries still in use such as in Higbee or Branson. Others such as the San Jose, Earl, and Cordoba Plaza cemeteries are markers of communities that no longer exist. Isolated rural burials containing just one or two burials were also documented. Transportation-related (18 recorded): This category includes 19th century trails (including sections of the Santa Fe Trail), trails from the 20th century homesteading era, earlier alternate routes to Highways 160 and 350, and railroad related sites. Schools (17 recorded): This category includes the oneroom schools located throughout the project area as well as multi-room schools in Branson and Timpas. Surveyed sites included intact schools as well as schools with only the foundation remaining. Some schools also included a teacherage. The survey also noted the current function or condition of the sites surveyed. The following table presents a summary: Current Function / Condition Ruin Archaeological Feature (prehistoric or historic) Intact building that is vacant or not in use Residence Burial Use unknown or other Artifact Collection Natural Landscape Feature (such as a spring) Agricultural / Livestock Community Water Management Commercial Ranch Headquarters Seasonal Use Commemorative Number of Sites 255 66 46 16 12 12 10 9 5 4 4 3 3 3 2 Survey Results: Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Reconnaissance-level Survey 53 Overview of Archaeological Survey The prehistoric and historical archaeological sites located in the survey area represent a microcosmic array of the various occupations that have occurred in the region of southeastern Colorado. The sites range from original prehistoric sites dating to the geologic Pleistocene period 12,500 years ago to the last Native American groups that were removed from the region in the late 1860s. The historic remnants beginning with the sites that represent the earliest utilization of the region represented by sites such as the Santa Fe Trail, fortified sites, Hispanic New Mexican plazas, and others that reflect the archaeological aspects of the initial 19th century utilization and occupation of the region. The sites related to the early settlement of the 1870s and 1880s are represented by an increase in homesteads and evidence of the region becoming integrated into the greater world economy through the arrival of the railroad. The final major archaeological aspect is evidenced by the extensive early 20th century occupation that would end with the Dust Bowl of the 1930s. It is represented by an array of homesteads, schools, and other sites and associated artifacts. This section is a brief overview concerning the types of sites that were observed and recorded in the process of undertaking a two-year project with Colorado Preservation, Inc., that incorporated an interdisciplinary approach toward studying the architectural and archaeological data in the Purgatoire River Region. The sites are located in topographical and geological features that comprise an array of varied landscapes that range from plains to canyons and mesas. Prehistoric Site Types Rock Art: Prehistoric rock art sites are found in sheltered or exposed places, and consists of petroglyphs, i.e., shapes or images pecked onto stone surfaces. Earlier rock art is generally more abstract, with wavy lines, circles, and spirals. Later rock art tends to depict more recognizable images, such as human and animal forms. Shelters: Shelter sites are found in or along rock outcrops. These consist of artifacts and other remains consistent with human habitation or temporary occupation. Associated artifacts may include worked stone or ceramics. Stone/Slab Enclosures: These sites consist of arrangements of stone slabs set upright in the ground surfaces, enclosing a defined area. These stones served as substructures for shelters made of organic material, such as poles, brush, or hides. Associated artifacts may include lithics, groundstone, or ceramics. Bedrock Metates: Bedrock Metates are associated with food processing, and consist of a small depression on a rock surface, upon which corn or other food was ground with a smooth rounded rock, known as a mano. Some sites contain multiple bedrock metates, indicating that food processing was a communal activity. Campsites: These sites indicate a temporary location of human activity, and may have been used in the course of food procurement, such as hunting or gathering plant resources. Associated artifacts might include lithics, groundstone, ceramics, and fire-cracked rock. Springs: Water sources were important to human habitation. Springs and other naturally occurring water sources were used by prehistoric peoples, although rarely as sites of occupation. Artifacts found at or near springs are usually associated with hunting or water acquisition, and may include lithics or ceramics. Lithic Scatters: Lithic scatters consist of a collection of worked stone--or the byproducts of worked stone--found in a concentrated area. Cores, flakes, points, scrapers are possible artifacts at these sites, and indicate that stone tool manufacture took place at the location of the site. Native American Site Types Tipi Rings: Tipi Ring sites are believed to be former tipi locations. These sites consist of collections of large stones set in circular configurations, with the stones having been used to secure the base of a tipi, which was a round-plan dwelling constructed of hides and poles. Campsites: These sites indicate a temporary location of human activity, and may have been used in the course of food procurement, such as hunting or gathering 5LA.11984 Prehistoric Rock Art 5LA.11688 Bedrock Metate 5LA.116747 Tipi Ring 54 Rock Art: Like prehistoric rock art, Native American rock art could be pecked onto a surface, but painted rock art, or pictographs, are also common to this period. Native American rock art is usually representational, utilizing such images as humans on horseback, game animals, and even buildings. Springs: As with their prehistoric predecessors, Native American people obtained water from springs, hunted near them, and sometimes considered them sacred. Artifacts found at or near springs are usually associated with hunting or water acquisition, and may include lithics or ceramics Trails: Trails are identifiable by their presence as a linear feature in the landscape. They can be marked by differences in vegetation and soil visibility, or they can be documented archivally. Rock art is often located along trails, and artifacts such as lithics and ceramics may also define sites associated with trails. Historical Archaeology Site Types Homesteads: Homesteads may be defined archaeologically by the material remains related to homestead settlement. Characterized by the intention of permanence, these sites include domestic artifacts, such as dishes or toiletry items, to a much greater extent than sites that signify temporary occupation. Building remains are also part of these sites, in the form of remnant foundations or cellars, or standing buildings or structures. Communities: An archaeological site based on collective activities performed by groups of families or individuals. Examples of communities might be religious groups or people engaged in a common economic endeavor (e.g., communal farming). Artifactual remains that define communities might be related to specific endeavors not found on other types of sites. Trash Scatters: Dump or trash areas are collections of artifacts that were discarded by their users in a specific location. These may be a component of a larger historical archaeological site, or if found in isolation, can be considered to be sites in and of themselves. Rock Inscriptions: Settlers and homesteaders often marked rock surfaces with inscriptions of names, dates, or other information or observations. These inscriptions are sometimes found along trails, and identify the travelers who passed through an area. Rock inscriptions may also be found on abandoned buildings, in rock shelters, or other locations in which travelers might have stopped long enough to leave their mark for posterity. Campsites: Campsites indicate temporary occupation, and historic campsites may be related to stock raising economies, such as cow camps or sheep camps. These may be marked by the presence of artifacts related to these economies. More generally, campsites related to recreational activities such as hunting or camping may yield artifacts such as whole or broken food and beverage containers or other items of daily use. Moradas: Moradas were religious buildings associated with the Penitente religion, which had a significant presence in the project area in the 19th century, a presence which has some representation even today. Artifacts associated with Moradas may include worked glass, which was used ritually. Moradas were cruciform-plan buildings, and are easily identifiable in the archaeological record. Morada sites may also include secondary or ancillary buildings as well. Trails: Historic trails are linear features and may be marked by linear swales or ruts, which may be only marginally visible on the landscape. Other sites, such as campsites or trash scatters, are sometimes found along trails. 5LA.11801 Petroglyphs 5LA.11682 Trash Scatter 5OT.1166 Penitente Morada Survey Results: Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Reconnaissance-level Survey 55 plant resources. Associated artifacts might include lithics, groundstone, ceramics, and fire-cracked rock. Architecture Results The majority of resources surveyed on private lands were related to homesteading. These included dwellings, barns, loafing sheds, chicken coops, and other outbuildings. The survey also examined the larger rural historic landscape of homesteading which included features like corrals, sheep pens, garden terraces, water collection, earthen dams, reservoirs, and irrigation ditches. One of the striking features of the homesteads is the predominance of relatively primitive traditional vernacular architecture through the 1920s. At a time when residents of Trinidad were living in neat rows of bungalows, just 50 miles away homesteaders were living in dugouts. Other resources located on private lands included one-room schools where homesteaders' children attended school as well as churches and cemeteries. The survey also included a selective reconnaissance survey of resources located along Highways 109, 160, and 350 as well as within the towns of Hoehne, Model, Branson, and Kim. One of the most surprising things was just how few resources are visible from these roadways. The absence of buildings along these routes gives the region a much emptier feel than is the reality. The buildings located along the highways were a mix of residence and commercial buildings along with a few schools. Located within the towns, were residential, commercial, religious, educational, and other community buildings. The Homestead With most abandoned for more than fifty years, the majority of homesteads were in various states of ruin, from buildings with walls and roofs mostly intact but missing doors and windows to simple stone foundations. However, even when in ruins there is much that can be learned from the homestead complexes including the methods of construction, materials, workmanship, and layout. There are also homestead complexes that have continued to be used and were incorporated into later ranch headquarters. These provide insight into the design of homestead buildings as well as demonstrating how buildings have evolved over time. Both ruined and evolved homestead sites demonstrate a regional vernacular style that reflects local materials, climate, and lifestyle. The surveyed homesteads ranged from single buildings to extensive complexes. A typical homestead complex might include a dugout and a stone dwelling along with an outhouse, a multi-purpose outbuilding, a loafing shed, and a corral. Many homesteads also appear to have multiple dwellings, able to accommodate large or extended families as well as additional seasonal labor. Associated artifacts, building size, building placement, the location and size of openings, and the quality of construction materials all provide clues to a building's function, but it was not always possible to determine the original use or form of a building. The number and size of buildings can often be an indication of the success of the homesteader and how long the homestead was occupied. The vast majority of homestead dwellings inventoried during the survey were constructed of stone. Homestead dwellings varied in size though most were simple structures of only one or two rooms. Given the ruined condition of the homesteads it can be difficult to determine the original function of buildings, but dwellings were generally distinguished by the presence of window openings, fireplaces, and domestic artifacts. Of the homestead buildings, the dwelling generally exhibits the highest level of craftsmanship with more finished stonework. 5LA.11808 The remains of a three-sided loafing shed 5LA.11676 Outhouses were an essential homestead feature (indoor plumbing was not intruduced to rural parts of the region until the mid-20th century). This intact outhouse is a rarity but finding the foundation of one or more outhouses was common. 56 5LA.11797 Stone foundation 5LA.11857 Stone dwelling 5LA.11646 Adobe house 5LA.11611 Central fireplace in dwelling 5LA.11778 With the region's homesteading boom not occurring until the 1910s, homesteaders were as likely to arrive by Model T as by wagon and abandoned automobiles are a common homestead feature 5LA.11779 Two-room dwelling with an interior partition of vertical wood posts 5LA.11806 Stone dwelling 5LA.11808 Window in stone dwelling 5LA.11854 Stone dwelling Survey Results: Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Reconnaissance-level Survey 57 5LA.11872 Stone outbuilding 5LA.11937 Stone dwelling 5LA.11985 Stone dwelling with central fireplace 5LA.11834 Foundation with scattered stones. 5LA.11857 Interior of a stone dwelling. Note remains of wood floor, interior adobe plaster, and large roof beams 5LA.11805 Homestead dwelling with an addition indicating a longer occupation at this site 5LA.11872 Stone homestead dwelling that has been enlarged and is still in use 5LA.11736 Complex of homestead buildings 58 A dugout was often the first building on a homestead. Essentially a hole in the ground with a roof on top, they were simple to build and provided shelter while the rest of the homestead buildings were completed. Dugouts ranged from simple to elaborate; from small buildings with an earthen floor and branches laid over the top to multi-room buildings lined with sandstone and covered with gable roofs. Dugouts were generally not completely underground, generally part of the structure extended above ground level. This superstructure was often constructed of stone. Dugouts might also take advantage of natural topography and be constructed into hillsides. Typically, homesteaders soon replaced simple dugouts with more substantial above ground dwellings. The original dugout might be incorporated into the new building, become a cellar, or continue as an additional living/sleeping space. Some homesteads never seemed to evolve beyond the simple dugout stage. It is presumed that these were sites where the homesteader either abandoned the homestead before proving up or sold the land shortly after. Alternately, sometimes individual family members would claim adjoining homesteads. A simple dugout might be built to fulfill residence requirements of the homesteading law, even though they were actually living nearby in a larger family group. 5LA.11796 Dugout built into a slope 5LA.11806 Dugout entrance 5LA.11895 Dugout with stone superstructure and roof of railroad ties 5LA.11656 Typical dugout ruin. Often all that remains of a dugout is a depression 5LA.11853 Dugout with a full-height addition 5LA.11835 Dugout incorporated into a modern dwelling 5OT.1142 Dugout remains Survey Results: Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Reconnaissance-level Survey 59 The Homestead: Dugouts The Homestead: Water-Related Water was essential to the success of all homesteads. While some homesteaders were fortunate enough to be located near a spring, many more were miles from the nearest source of water. Some were able to dig wells, but many others relied heavily on cisterns to collect and store water. Windmills were used to bring water up from deep wells. Stock tanks were placed adjacent to windmills. 5LA.11833 Windmill with remains of adjacent stock tank 5OT.1112 Concrete foundation with corner cistern 5LA.11656 Sunken concrete cistern Construction Materials: Stone 5OT.1104 House with corner cistern to collect runoff from the roof 5LA.11896 Well The primary construction material of homesteads in the region was sandstone. With natural sandstone outcroppings throughout the area, it had the advantage of being easily accessible as well as strong and sturdy. Though quarrying and finishing stones was labor intensive, stone was readily available and could be quarried by homesteaders at no cost. Few could afford to purchase machine finished materials and transporting them to an isolated homestead would be a challenge. Homestead builders seem to have used collected fieldstones as often as quarried and finished stones. The majority of stone buildings surveyed featured double laid walls with an interior fill of chinking and adobe. Adobe is the primary mortar used through the 1920s and was also used as an interior stucco coat. The presence of concrete mortar on buildings constructed before 1930 generally appears to be a later addition. This concrete mortar patching seems to indicate a building that was in use longer than the average homestead building, with these buildings continuing to be used into the 1940s, 1950s or later. 5LA.11810 Double-laid stone wall 5LA11780 Stone homestead dwelling 5LA.11674 Homestead dwelling of fieldstone 60 5LA.11676 Typical stone construction featuring a double laid wall 5LA.11853 Typical stonework 5OT.1105 Double laid stone wall 5LA.11868 Stone quarry 5LA.11868 Typical stone construction 5LA.11840 Homestead dwelling constructed on fieldstone Survey Results: Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Reconnaissance-level Survey 61 Other Construction Materials Though stone was definitely one of the most common building materials, it may not have been quite as dominant as it appears today. Adobe block and wood were also used for construction but they may not have survived as well as sturdier stone. On many homesteads only stone foundations have survived, leaving a fair amount of guesswork concerning the buildings' original construction. Sometimes piles of stone are located nearby to indicate collapsed stone walls. Other times mounds of dirt indicate melted adobe blocks. However, sometimes no other building evidence remains. This may be because building stones were removed from the site after abandonment to be reused elsewhere. The walls might also have been made adobe blocks that melted and washed away, leaving no trace. Or there may have been a frame superstructure that was either moved elsewhere or dismantled. Large trees are not common in the region, with large cottonwoods found mainly in some of the canyons. Because of this, log buildings were relatively rare, though dwellings might use a few large logs for roof beams. However, smaller trees like pinon and juniper were much more widespread and were used commonly for framing elements, roofing, fences, and jacal style construction composed of vertical posts. In areas located near the railroad, old railroad ties became a replacement for logs. Manufactured materials that needed to be purchased were less common. Milled lumber is commonly found as window framing and sometimes as roofing. But houses constructed of milled lumber appear rarely. Scatterings of milled lumber found on some sites suggest that small outbuildings may have used milled lumber. Though stone was common for foundations, some buildings did feature concrete foundations. And a few buildings constructed entirely of concrete were located in the survey. 5LA.11728 Stone homestead with later frame addition 5LA.11896 Melted adobe blocks 5LA.11853 Collapsed roof composed of unfinished timbers from native trees 5LA.11980 Dwelling showing large tree trunk used as roof beam 5LA.11783 Stone dwelling with timber roof beams and milled lumber at the doorways 5LA.11866 Collapsed log building 5LA.11651 Homestead foundation scattered stones of collapsed walls with 5LA.11695 Log building 62 5LA.11860 Concrete dwelling 5OT.1172 Barn constructed of stone and railroad ties 5LA.11833 Concrete barn foundation 5LA.11897 Barn constructed of stone and railroad ties 5LA.11833 Frame house on a concrete foundation 5PE.6957 Frame house covered with stucco 5HF.2334 House constructed with railroad ties. 5LA.11646 Log Structure 5LA.11681 Log Building Survey Results: Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Reconnaissance-level Survey 63 Construction Types: New Mexican Influence New Mexicans and Coloradans whose parents were born in New Mexico were a large percentage of those homesteading in the region. They brought with them many New Mexican cultural traditions including a vernacular building tradition well-suited to the local climate. This included the use of adobe block, jacal construction, and flat roofs composed of vigas and latias. These construction methods were all compatible with the local building materials and climate. Other New Mexican features included corner fireplaces and outdoor ovens. These features became a part of the vernacular architectural of the region and can be found on both Hispanic and Anglo-American homesteads. 5LA.11676 Dwelling with corner fireplace 5LA.11761 Flat-roofed building with vigas and latias 5LA.11791 Adobe block building with stone foundation 5LA.11840 Horno 5LA.11847 Morada 5OT.1104 Jacal chicken coop 64 Homesteads were also examined as rural historic landscapes. The homesteading landscape shows the ways in which homesteaders adapted to their environment as well as the ways they modified their environment. Since abandonment, the majority of the homesteads have been left to the elements and to the cattle pasturing around them. As a result, many of the historic landscape features, especially the feeling and setting, remain largely unchanged. One way homesteaders adapted to the landscape was to construct buildings that took advantage of natural features. Sandstone bluffs and outcroppings were frequently incorporated into buildings, reducing the amount of construction materials needed and providing structural support. The landscape reflects the agriculture and climate of the region. Though homesteaders were required to farm as part of the improvements needed to "prove up" their claim until 1916, farming was rarely their only occupation. Many also grazed cattle or sheep. Others kept some dairy cattle and sold cream to local markets. Homesteaders generally kept horses for work and travel, and some chickens for eggs. However, due to the relatively mild climate, homesteads did not include extensive structures to house livestock. Many had only the shelter of a three-sided loafing side. Others also included a small barn. Those involved in dairying might have a building for milking and cream storage. The presence of particular elements can indicate what type of livestock a homesteader raised such as dipping vats and stone pens for sheep or wooden corrals and chutes for cattle. 5LA.11835 Few crop storage buildings were documented in the survey. Most crops seem to have been shipped immediately to market. While some feed crops would likely have been kept for livestock, the region's short grass prairie provided good grazing land for livestock. 5LA.11894 Evidence of garden areas can also be found on homesteads, seen in terraces or fenced areas adjacent to dwellings. Though most of the gardens and trees planted by homesteaders have died without cultivation, some remains can be found. 5LA.11804 Many homesteaders tried to with the dry climate by reshaping the landscape to collect water by digging stock ponds, earthen dams and reservoirs. Survey Results: Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Reconnaissance-level Survey 65 The Landscape of Homesteading 5LA.11897 Milk house made of railroad ties 5LA.11833 Pear trees on a homestead 5LA.11873 Fence constructed of stone, branches, and barbed wire 5LA.11676 Dwelling with a fenced enclosure, possibly for a garden 5LA.11676 Sandstone loafing shed with attached corral 5LA.11674 Corral made of vertically placed branches tied together with barbed wire 5PE.6944 Loading chute and cattle squeeze 5LA.11869 Stone pen incorporating natural rock outcropping 5LA.11715 Corral constructed of horizontal branches tied to tall wood posts with wire 66 5LA.11715 Corrals were common homestead features and display a wide range of construction techniques from brush to wood post and barbed wire. 5LA.11870 Corral of horizontal branches held in place by framing of paired vertical posts 5LA.11635 Homestead located in a box canyon 5LA.11837 Stone sheep pens 5LA.11741 Stone sheep pen constructed against natural rock outcropping 5LA.11794 Stone barn with corral constructed of branches and wire 5LA.11831 Stone structure against rock outcropping 5LA.11675 Building constructed against cliff face Survey Results: Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Reconnaissance-level Survey 67 Landscape Evolution Though many elements of the homesteading landscape remain intact, others have evolved. The landscape is now primarily devoted to cattle ranching. While cattle have been a part of the landscape since the large grazing operation of the 19th century, homesteading and farming challenged their dominance in the 1910s and 1920s. With farming mostly wiped out during the 1930s, grazing again became the primary land use. In this way, the landscape of today is likely closer to what it was in the 19th century than what it was in the 1920s when the short grass prairie was replaced by the homesteader's farm fields. The region's semi-arid landscape is very fragile and it took decades for it to recover from the devastation of the drought and dust storms of the 1930s. Some traces of previous farm field can still be seen. Areas of intensive use around a homestead are often evidenced by differences in plant growth such as dense cholla. Ranching is the dominant industry in the region and is reflected across the landscape. The hundreds of small homesteads of 160 to 640 acres spread across the landscape in the 1920s have been replaced by large family ranches often covering more than 10,000 acres. Many of the ranches began as homesteads and grew as they purchased land from those who abandoned the area in the 1930s. Having purchased the land for grazing, not to live on, most of the homestead complexes were simply left to the elements. Some were dismantled to use the materials elsewhere or to avoid property taxes. Perhaps the greatest threat to the homestead sites beyond natural weathering is the growth of new trees within homestead ruins. 5LA.11875 Cows 5OT.1162 Cows grazing at abandoned homestead 5LA.11869 Homestead with trees growing inside 5LA.11785 Homestead with trees growing inside 5LA.11804 Cows grazing around abandoned homestead 68 5LA.11803 Building overtaken by trees 5LA.11781 Homestead encroached by trees 5LA.11836 Corral 5LA.11806 Homestead with trees growing inside LA-253 Corrals constructed in the 1940s 5LA.11835 House moved from an abandoned homestead and converted to tack storage 5OT.1112 Cows Survey Results: Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Reconnaissance-level Survey 69 Community In addition to homesteads, there were also many community resources surveyed, both during the private lands survey and the roadside survey. Resources range from those built by homesteaders to those located in the towns that sprang up during the homesteading boom. Homesteaders came together to establish local schools. One-room school buildings are generally similar in construction to homestead buildings. Schools inventoried are generally small and simple, constructed of stone, adobe block, or frame covered with stucco. The buildings of the towns of Branson, Kim, Hoehne, Model, and Timpas generally feature more manufactured materials (such as milled lumber and concrete block) and decorative features than homestead buildings but retain a simple frontier character. While there are very few buildings in identifiable architectural styles, the buildings in town reflect more awareness of architectural trends than those located on homesteads. Houses constructed in a simplified bungalow or cottage style are common. These communities reached their peak growth during the years of the homesteading boom. As a result there has been limited new construction or development since the mid-20th century and the communities retain much of their frontier character. Many businesses were established to serve the waves of homesteaders arriving in the region. These are located in the towns as well as along highways, especially along the former route of the Santa Fe Trail which featured both a rail line with many depots and a primary regional road. Surviving commercial buildings are constructed of adobe block, frame, or concrete block. Many feature false front facades. 5LA.11626 Goodwill School (left) and 5LA.11947 Villegreen School (right). The stone construction of these school buildings is similar to methods used for homestead dwellings 5OT.1177 The Higbee School (above) and the Riverside School were both constructed of adobe blocks covered with stucco 5LA.11920 Typical house in Kim. It is constructed of frame and features a small porch and exposed rafter tails.JPG 5LA.11944 Stone house in Branson 5LA.11911 House in Model 5LA.11907 Earl Store 70 5OT.1181 The Timpas School displays a level of decoration and detail rare in the region, displaying the former prosperity of Timpas 5LA.11911 False front commercial building in Model 5LA.11911 False front commercial building in Model 5LA.11924 Concrete block, false front commercial building in Kim 5LA.11923 This false front commercial building in Kim is constructed of concrete blocks. Many are rusticated giving them an appearance similar of that to the sandstone so common in the region 5LA.11946 Walt's Corner on Highway 160 5LA.11913 Similar to the construction seen on homesteads, the Tyrone Store was constructed of adobe block covered in stucco Survey Results: Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Reconnaissance-level Survey 71 72 Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Architecture Results Fifty-eight resources were surveyed at the intensive-level. These can be divided into the following resources types: � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 29 Homesteads 7 Prehistoric 4 Water management 4 Schools 2 Commercial 2 Railroad 2 Religious 2 Residential 1 Agriculture/Cattle 1 Agriculture/ Sheep 1 Agricultural/Storage 1 Community 1 Jail 1 Post Office The surveyed resources represent the range of resource types documented during the reconnaissance-level survey. These sites were selected for their association with the prehistory, settlement, agricultural development, ethnic heritage, and rural communities of the Purgatoire River Region. Fifty-six of the fifty-eight sites surveyed were determined field eligible for listing in the National Register. Of the sites surveyed for prehistoric archaeology, seven were determined eligible under Criterion D. Of the fifteen sites surveyed for both historical Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 73 archaeology and architecture, twelve were determined eligible under Criteria A, C, and D. Two sites with architectural elements that were either largely gone or significantly altered were considered eligible only under Criterion A and D. The site surveyed for historical archaeology only was also determined eligible under Criterion A and D. Of the sites surveyed for architecture only, thirty-three were determined eligible for listing under Criteria A and C, while one was determined eligible only under Criterion A. One site was evaluated as Needs Data and one site was determined not eligible. Eligibility The architectural survey team recorded fifty sites during the intensive-level survey. Fifteen of these sites were surveyed in conjunction with the project's historical archaeologist. Eleven were homestead sites which seemed to have a high potential for archaeological significance based on features and surface artifacts as well as architectural significance based on extensive building remains. Of the homesteads evaluated for both archaeology and architecture, ten were determined eligible under Criteria A, C, and D. One of the sites (Fidler Homestead/ 5LA.11656) was determined not eligible. With only foundations remaining, this site lacked sufficient integrity to convey its significance for settlement or architecture. The archaeologist felt that the recording of this site at the intensive level was sufficient and there was limited potential for additional information to be gained. A railroad depot, two moradas, and the community of San Jose Plaza were also surveyed for both architecture and archaeology; all were determined eligible. Thirty-five sites were surveyed only for architecture. Seventeen additional homesteads were surveyed. Many of these sites are also likely eligible under Criteria D; however, no archaeologist was present during the intensive field survey of these sites so they were not evaluated for archaeology. Additional data for archaeology is needed. The architectural survey included other resource types as well: four schools, three irrigation structures, two commercial buildings, two residences, a cattle operation, a sheep complex, a check dam, a railroad dam, an agricultural storage facility, a jail, and a post office. Many of these were located in communities or continue in use, and thus had a much higher degree of ground disturbance than the homesteads surveyed. Thus, it is less likely that they retain archaeological significance. An exception is the Apishapa Dam site (5LA.11666) which includes a collection of artifacts that appear to be related to a work camp. Of the sites surveyed only for architecture, thirty-three sites were determined eligible under Criteria A and C. The Apishapa Dam was determined eligible only under Criteria A; the dam has washed out and thus lacks sufficient structural integrity to be eligible under Criteria C. The Rock Dam Reservoir (5LA.11633) was evaluated as needs data since no information on its construction or use could be located. Historic and Current Functions Only two of the resources surveyed have been altered from their historic use to a new use. The Branson School (5LA.11938) has been converted to a community center and store (and has also functioned as a church and a residence), while the the San Jose Plaza store (5OT.1092) has been converted to a residence. Eight resources continued to either partially or fully serve their original function: � � A few horses are still kept in the Bloom Cattle Company Barn and Corrals (5LA.11582 The residence of the Louden Homestead (5LA.11850) is rented to tenants. The homestead complex has been passed down within the Louden family and has become part of a much larger family ranch operation. Though the ranch headquarters is not located at the homestead complex, the corrals are still used for ranch livestock. The Miller Complex (5OT.1096) is still used seasonally for cattle round-ups. The Mollett Homestead (5OT.1164) was been incorporated into a newer ranch headquarters complex. The house is currently vacant, but the outbuildings remain in use. The Aguerre Sheep Complex (5OT.1122) remains in use for livestock, but the complex is now part of the headquarters of a cattle ranch rather than a sheep operation. The Seyba Homestead/ Richards and Morrow Residence (5OT.1107) is currently a seasonal residence. The barn and corral are used for horses. The Nine Mile Dam (5OT.1101) and association irrigation canal remain in use, watering crops in the Higbee valley. The corrals of the Padilla Homestead (5LA.11741) are still used for cattle round ups. � � � � � � The majority of the resources surveyed are vacant or in ruins. Most of the homestead complexes have been abandoned since the 1920s or 1930s, though the surrounding land continues to be used for grazing. The exception is the Villareal Homestead (5LA.11736), which continued in use until the 1980s with very few alterations, providing a remarkably intact example of a homestead complex. Other resources survived another decade or more but eventually fell to combination of declining population and improved transportation which enabled easier access to larger commercial centers and less reliance on small, local businesses. These include Church Bean and Grain (5LA.11921), Delhi Store (5LA.11917), and Dickey's General Store (5LA.11923). Most of the region's one-room schools 74 Integrity With the majority of surveyed resources abandoned for many decades, the majority of resources are also in poor physical condition. Many of the resources were selected due to their condition, since the survey team wanted to document them before they deteriorated further. Though the buildings are deteriorated (often quite severely), they also retain a remarkable level of integrity. Most of the surveyed resources have had no human intervention since they were abandoned. Changes in the condition of the building are due simply to weathering and the occasional cow. Later property owners have removed building materials (mainly stone) or interesting artifacts from some homesteads, but as a whole they largely remain as they were when abandoned. Seven areas of integrity were considered when evaluating the eligibility of the surveyed resources: location, design, setting, materials, workmanship, feeling, and association. Location and Setting: All of the surveyed resources retain a high degree of integrity as related to location and setting. None of the resources had been moved from their original locations. The setting, which includes the topography, vegetation, relationship between buildings, and viewsheds, is also remarkably intact. There has been very little new development within the region since the mid-twentieth century. When you look out from a homestead today, you are seeing the same view the homesteader would have had seventy-five years ago. The changes to the setting have primarily been ones of subtraction (with resources disappearing) rather than addition. This includes the resources associated with communities as well as rural resources. There have been some changes to vegetation, as farm fields have returned to grazing pastures, imported fruit trees have died, and cholla have overgrown disturbed area, but these are all part of the natural evolution of the landscape. Design: The resources maintain a moderate degree of integrity related to design. Design refers to the combination of elements that creates the form, plan, structure, and style of a property. The fact that most of the surveyed resources have undergone extremely few man-made alterations since their period of significance, contributes to a high degree of design integrity. Elements like spatial organization are generally very intact. Even deteriorated buildings generally retain enough integrity to convey the original building functions and construction methods. But many of the surveyed buildings are missing elements like roofs, windows, and doors. Thus, the original appearance of many buildings requires some speculation. Materials: The integrity of materials is also moderate. The combination of materials selected for a building can reveal much about the preferences and backgrounds of those who created the property and can also indicate the availability of particular types of materials and technologies. In areas like the Purgatoire River region where most buildings were constructed of indigenous resources, materials help define regional building traditions. Most of the surveyed sites are able to convey what the original building materials were. However, due to the deteriorated condition of many resources, some of the original materials are missing or damaged. This is especially the case with adobe blocks, adobe mortar, and adobe stucco. These materials were common during the homesteading, but have largely disappeared due to their fragility when exposed to years of weathering without maintenance. Workmanship: The integrity of workmanship is high. This refers to the physical evidence of the crafts of a particular culture and is evident in an individual's skill in constructing or altering a building, structure, object or site. In the surveyed resources, workmanship is expressed in the vernacular construction methods of the region, especially construction of sandstone and adobe, as well as the ways in which homesteaders adapted their buildings to fit within the natural environment. Feeling: The integrity of feeling is high. Feeling refers to a property's expression of the aesthetic or historic sense of a particular period of time. With few alterations and intrusions, the region's resources are very evocative, conveying a strong sense of the accomplishments and challenges of those who built them. This is especially true of the region's homestead complexes. Association: The integrity of association is high. Association refers to the direct link between significant historic events and historic properties. In order to have integrity of association, a property must be able to clearly convey the historical themes or movements for which it is significant. The surveyed resources clearly convey their association themes including Westward Expansion, the Homesteading movement, development of the railroad, ethnic heritage of New Mexicans settlers, ranching, and the establishment of communities. Periods of Significance The periods of significance for the surveyed resources cover a ninety year span from 1871 to 1961. Nineteenth century resources include: � Bloom Cattle Company established in 1871 Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 75 were consolidated with larger districts between 1940 and 1960 including the Riverside School (5LA.11769), Tyrone School (5LA.11914), and Villegreen School (5LA.11947). � � � � � � Rivera Homestead established 1875 Capps Station on the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad established in 1876 Aguerre Sheep Complex, which began as the Haines Homestead circa 1876 Trujillo Homestead established circa 1884 San Jose Plaza established in the 1890s The Timpas Creek Railroad Dam built in 1895 The majority of survey sites date from the region's homesteading boom in the early twentieth century. Homesteads established from 1900 to 1909: � � � � � � � � � � � � � Padilla Homestead established 1901 Morrow Homestead established 1902 Varros Sheep Camp established 1904 Manuel Zamora Homestead established in 1908 Peteque Homestead established in 1907 Homesteads established from 1910 to 1919: Gerard Homestead established in 1910 Dobbins Homestead established 1910 Mollett Homestead established 1911 Martinez Homestead established 1911 Louden Homestead established 1912 Kile Homestead established 1915 Coy Homestead established 1915 � � � � � � � � � � � � Hall Homestead established 1916 Hils/Doll Homestead established 1916 Frecka Homestead established 1916 Collier Homestead established in 1917 Bloxsom Homestead established 1917 Dorsey Homestead established 1918 Frances Zamora Homestead established in 1918 Mayes Homestead established 1919 McDaniel Homestead established 1919 Homesteads established from 1920 to 1929: Villareal Homestead established 1920 Allison Homestead established 1921 There were also a variety of commercial and community buildings constructed to serve the homesteaders: � � � � � � � � � � � Timpas Creek Diversion constructed circa 1909 Branson School established circa 1917 Villegreen School established circa 1917 Riverside School established circa 1918 Apishapa Dam built 1918 Delhi Store established circa 1920 Lone Oak Post Office established 1922 Church Bean and Grain in Kim established circa 1923 Branson Jail built 1923 Nine Mile Dam and Ditchriders' House established 1923 Tyrone School established circa 1924 76 � � � Carson Home built circa 1919 The Martinez Residence built in the 1920s The Seyba Homestead and Richards/Morrow Residence. The land was homesteaded by Crecencia Seyba in the 1870s but the farm complex was developed by the Richards and Morrow families in the twentieth century. It is unclear if anything remains from the Seyba Homestead. Miller Complex established circa 1925 There are also a few later sites: A rare Depression-era site, the Claussen Homestead established in 1932 Dickey's General Store built in 1946 Penitente Canyon Morada built in the 1940s � � � � � The periods of significance for homestead complexes begin with the date on which the homesteader arrived on the property according their homestead testimonies. The end dates for the homesteads is much more speculative. This cut off was based on the condition of the homestead and the extent and type of artifacts found there. For the survey it was presumed that most homesteads were abandoned in the 1930s. If the homestead appeared to have been occupied longer, the period of significance was extended. Under Criterion C the period of significance is generally the year was a building was constructed. Homesteads, however, were evolving resources, which homesteaders continually expanded and adapted to meet their needs. So the period of significance under Criterion C for architecture has been extended to be the same as the period of homestead occupation, reflecting the period during which the homestead complex evolved. When an exact date for the establishment of a resource could not be located, a circa date was given. The circa dates for the school buildings reflect the dates when the school districts were established; it is likely that the schools were built the same year but this could not be confirmed. Some of the earlier homesteads also have circa dates since the exact date of arrival was not included in the homestead file. A few of the surveyed resources still remain in use or were in use until less than fifty years ago. For these sites the period of significance was cut off at 1961 to comply with the National Register's fifty-year guideline. Areas of Significance Architecture: Of the fifty sites surveyed, forty-seven were determined eligible under Criterion C for architecture. Homestead complexes are significant for their traditional building methods, workmanship, and use of locally produced materials (sandstone and adobe). The region's homesteads also include distinctive frontier types such as dugouts as well as architectural features influenced by the cultural traditions of the region's many New Mexican settlers. The layout and design of the homestead complexes are significant for their ability to convey the agriculture practices of the homesteaders and their adaptations to the natural environment. Many of the community resources such as schools, commercial buildings, the post office, and the jail also employed local sandstone and adobe in their construction. The wood-framed Branson School and concrete-block Dickey's General Store are good examples of standard building types found in small towns across eastern Colorado. Agriculture: Thirty-four sites were determined significant for agriculture. This includes all of the homestead sites as well as the Apishapa Dam, Nine Mile Dam, Timpas Creek Diversion, Bloom Cattle Company, and Aguerre Sheep Complex. These sites tell the story of the agricultural development of the region which has evolved from scattered homesteads and open range cattle and sheep grazing in the nineteenth century to more intensive settlement and farming during the early twentieth century to the large cattle ranching operations of today. Agriculture-related features on homesteads include barns, loafing sheds, corrals, and sheep pens. Also significant for agriculture are irrigation systems constructed to bring water for farming to the region. Settlement: Two resources were determined significant for settlement, San Jose Plaza (5OT.1092) and the Lone Oak Post Office (5LA.11844). Initially, the survey team also evaluated the homesteads as significant under Settlement for their association with the homesteading movement. These lands were claimed under the original Homesteading Act of 1862 as well as the Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909 and the Stock Raising Act of 1916. Due to the relatively late homesteading boom, the settlement Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 77 There were also four rural residences included in the survey (these sites are classified separate from homesteads since the individual who built or developed the property did not homestead the land): period extends later here than many other regions of Colorado, with the area retaining a frontier character well into the 1920s. However, after consultation with National Register staff at the History Colorado it was determined that Settlement should just be used for sites that reflect larger community development or patterns of settlement, not individual homesteads. However, if multiple homesteads were to be evaluated as a district, then they would be eligible under Settlement. Ethnic Heritage: Two resources were determined significant for ethnic heritage: the Penitente Canyon Morada (5OT.1166) and the Peteque Morada (5OT.1180). Many of the Hispanic homesteads in the project area were initially considered as eligible for Ethnic Heritage as representations of cultural traditions brought to the region by New Mexican settlers. New Mexican settlers made a significant contribution to the development of the region's cultural landscape. This is particularly evident in the use of New Mexican architectural features such as adobe, corner fireplaces, and flat roofs with vigas and latias throughout the region. Agricultural practices were also influenced by ethnic traditions and can been seen in homesteads. Like Settlement, History Colorado staff determined that Ethnic Heritage should be primarily applied to resources that represent an ethnically distinct community rather than individuals of a particular ethnic descent. However, if a district comprised of primarily Hispanic homesteads were identified, it would likely be significant for Ethnic Heritage. Education: The four schools surveyed were all determined eligible for education. These include one-room schools serving homesteaders as well as the first school building constructed in the newly established town of Branson. Commerce: Three sites were determined significant for commerce: two general stores and an agricultural storage facility. With limited commercial ventures situated in the region, local businesses became especially vital to the community. Politics/Government: Two sites were determined significant for government: a post office and a jail. Both were constructed during the region's homesteading boom. Religion: The two moradas (5OT.1166 and 5OT.1180) surveyed were both determined significant for religion for their connection to the history of the Penitente Brotherhood in the region. Transportation: Two resources related to the development of the railroad in the region were determined significant for transportation: a dam constructed by the AT&SF railroad and a depot constructed by the D&RG railroad. Both represent the significant impact the railroads played in the development of the region. Rural Historic Landscapes: For all sites surveyed for architecture, the survey team considered the potential of the site to be considered as a rural historic landscape. However, this survey project was focused on surveying building complexes rather than larger landscapes. Documenting large acreages was beyond the scope of the project. After consultation with History Colorado staff, it was determined that more information was needed in order to fully evaluate the sites as rural historic landscapes. Especially important is determining appropriate boundaries. If National Register nominations are completed in the future, the potential significance of sites or districts as rural historic landscape should definitely be considered. When evaluating sites as landscapes, the survey team considered the ability of a site to reflect how homesteaders shaped the land as well as how they adapted to fit their environment. A rural landscape site should retain evidence of the original spatial organization, historic period of development, and responses to the natural environment. Many sites also include evidence of cultural traditions, particularly those of Hispanics from New Mexico. The landscape should be able to convey the lifestyle of a homesteader as well as how they made a living, such as raising cattle or sheep. The homesteads with the most potential as rural historic landscapes include a dwelling as well as livestock features such as corrals or sheep pens. These elements did not need to be completely intact (most homestead sites are ruins) but the placement of the various site components needs to be clearly evident. Placement within the landscape is also important, such as a homestead built in a sheltered location in a canyon, buildings that incorporate natural rock outcroppings into their construction, or stone pens that take advantage of the natural topography and boulders. Buildings constructed with local materials such as sandstone, adobe, and juniper also reflect the landscape. All of the sites considered potentially significant as rural historic landscapes had a high degree of integrity of setting, feeling, materials, and workmanship. Though homesteading laws required farming until 1916, grazing was generally part of the homestead's agriculture as well. Farm fields have mostly disappeared from the region, but grazing remains. When looking out from most homesteads, the only thing that has changed in the last fifty years is the vegetation. Most homesteads have simply been left to the elements since they were abandoned, resulting in minimal modification to the layout of the homesteads. When considering the integrity of feeling, materials, and workmanship of homesteads it was considered important that the homestead buildings still be at least partially standing. Buildings with walls at least partially intact are much better able to convey the original design of the building and methods of construction. Since most homesteaders constructed their homesteads themselves, this enhances the importance of workmanship on these sites. The buildings provide a direct tie to the homesteader and the challenges of settlement in this region. 78 Water management features were considered as important rural historic landscapes for their ability to demonstrate efforts by homesteaders to shape their environment, whether they were ultimately unsuccessful like the Apishapa Dam/5LA.11666, which washed out just a few years after construction, or successful like the Nine Mile Dam/5OT.1101 which is still used for irrigation in Higbee Valley. Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 79 Some of the sites considered potentially significant as landscapes were selected for their ability to demonstrate the evolution of agriculture in the region throughout the 20th century. These sites extend beyond the homestead period and show the continued evolution of agriculture during the 20th century. Though they are no longer intact representations of the homesteading period, their additions have taken on their own significance. An excellent example of this is the Aguerre Sheep Complex/5OT.112) which began as homestead, evolved into large Basque sheep operation, and today is the headquarters for a cattle ranch. Archaeology Results: The archaeology results sections below contain a summary of the sites evaluated in the survey and their significance. For more detailed information on the sites (including artifacts recorded and site maps) please refer to the individual site forms. Prehistoric Archaeology: 5OT.540 5OT.540 was recorded in the 1990s and a couple of articles have been published (see Lehrburger 2005, 2006) suggesting equinox alignments. There does appear to be a shadow alignment on the rock but caution need be taken when interpreting alignments with intentional record keeping of celestial cycles. There is not substantial evidence for sedentary or semisedentary horticulturalists inhabiting the area, although there is substantial evidence for visitation and trade by horticulturalists in neighboring areas. The somewhat cyclical movements of mobile hunter-gatherers are more varied than would facilitate construction and use of intricate solar calendars. An alignment certainly might indicate seasonality, but the correlation between solar calendars and agriculture is strong. 5LA.11838 Site 5LA11838 on the Robertson property is interesting because of its position on the landscape and the dichotomy of the styles of rock art. It is likely not the only site in the vicinity that fits criteria for eligibility, but immediately fits the criteria without extensive testing that is not within the scope of this project. Poitry Creek flows intermittently, but the pool below the rock art panel has not been known to go dry during historic times. The ranchers' fish, swim and picnic at the pool and prehistorically there would have been a similar resource pull with the wild chokecherries, etc. This oasis in the steppe landscape creates a site density in the vicinity much higher than the surrounding plains. The other very interesting aspect of the site is the dichotomy in the rock art itself. Apparently the patina on the sandstone wall is much harder than the sandstone itself. As a result, the pecked art on a portion of the panel has eroded fairly extensively. The figures are recognizable, but they are deeply incised, seemingly because they have eroded deeper since they were produced. The obvious Late Prehistoric figure, holding a bow and arrow, has none of the erosion seen on the apparent earlier pecked figures. While there is no obvious chemical method of dating the various figures in the panel, stylistic variation can be chronologically assessed. 5LA.11838 Petroglyph 5LA.11838 Watering Hole 5LA.11838 Petroglyph 80 Of the seven sites included in the Prehistoric portion of this project, three were on the Bader Ranch. The Baders were very interested in the archaeology and Ira Bader helped record the sites. The Bader Ranch is located along Smith Creek, in the valley, and includes parts of the mesa east of the valley. The area is a bit of a problem for this type of project as it may be an archaeological landscape which is a situation where it is difficult to draw boundaries on sites and they are somewhat of a continuum for miles. Ira Bader gave this type of description for the terrace area to the east of Smith Creek and the archaeologist witnessed this to some extent on sites 5LA.12527 and 5LA.11883. This project does not have the resources to adequately deal with this situation. For site 5LA.11883 the solution, within the scope of the project, was to impose somewhat arbitrary site boundaries and record an element (the rock art) that made the site eligible. The rock art on site 5LA.11883 consisted of two fairly large panels with few elements within the panels. Detailed exploration of the site will undoubtedly reveal more panels. The petroglyph appears to be corn and this motif is repeated in two panels. It is similar to Hopi depictions of corn (Figure 1). To my knowledge the only remotely similar plant depictions on the High Plains are thought to be representative of tobacco and are Christmas-tree-like in shape (see Francis and Loendorf 2002:170). These panels may have a southwestern influence. Site 5LA.11884 consists of two small rock art panels with abstract figures. The art figures are stylistically different and, while they are not particularly remarkable, the site also has a lithic scatter with some potential for buried cultural deposits. The rock art is unfamiliar to this researcher and may be a style found on the southern Plains. Site 5LA.12527 is a multi-component site with buried cultural materials. Ira Bader showed me this site as one where he had found several diagnostics artifacts but emphasized that it was typical of sites in the lower part of the valley. In this instance there is a cut bank demonstrating substantial Holocene deposition and an artifact concentration in an erosional area where diagnostic artifacts were eroding from stratified deposits exhibiting a very good possibility of having intact cultural levels. The sequence probably spans the Late Prehistoric through at least the Middle Archaic. The Bader's artifact collection confirmed these eras of occupation and included an artifact likely from the middle Paleoindian period. Because there were no other artifacts associated with this point they thought the Paleoindian artifact was an isolated find and not part of a larger site. 5LA.11883 Highlighted panel detail 5LA.11884 Petroglyph 5LA.11884 Petroglyph 5LA.12527 Landscape 5LA.12527 Projectile points (and perform) located on site.JPG Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 81 5LA.11883, 5LA.11884, 5LA.12527 5OT.1161 Site 5OT1161 may include rock art that portrays communal hunting activities. On a fairly complex series of panels at the site the northern most Panel 1 (located right at the mouth of Sheep Canyon) there is an image that may depict a fence or net. There may be anthropomorphic figures incorporated in the fence, although caution is needed in this interpretation because the panel is heavily eroded. Panel 4 has a similar linear feature with quadrupeds in the foreground. This is highly suggestive that the small canyon may have been incorporated into a game trap. Contrasting the former panels, Panel 5 is much more suggestive of shaman trance-state depictions (see Clottes and Lewis-Williams 1998 and Lewis-Williams 2002), which is also a likely use/interpretation for 5OT.540. 5OT.1161 Petroglyph 5OT.1161 Petroglyph 5LA.11801 Miners Point (5LA.11801) is a very complex rock art site with many panels seemingly produced by varied cultural groups. The components vary from historic dates and shield bearing warriors to horned anthropomorphic figures. Some of the art is likely connected to groups from the Great Basin. Other art such as the shield bearing warriors are known throughout the High Plains, Great Plains, and Southern Plains and are thought to date to the Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric periods. While they have been found in the Great Basin, this is extremely rare (Francis and Loendorf 2002;132). This rock art is obviously multi-component, probably temporally diverse, and needs formal and thorough rock art recording that is beyond the scope of this project. Mr. Doherty was gracious enough to show me some artifacts that had been recovered from the area. One biface was of particular note. The artifact measures about 15x8x2 cm and is made from alibates (found only in Texas). The technology suggests an early Paleoindian time-frame, possibly Clovis. 5LA.11801 Large alibates biface 5LA.11801 Petroglyph 5LA.11801 Landscape 5LA.11801 Petroglyph 82 The project area includes three sections of the Great Plains province; the High Plains section, the Colorado Piedmont section, and the Raton section (Painter et al 1999). Faunal and vegetation distinctions are apparent between the sections, particularly the Raton. On a larger scale, this is the boundary area between the High Plains, the Great Plains, the Southern Plains, and the Great Southwest. Material culture differences often correspond to environmental variations and this can be noted, at least to some extent, in this study and in the broader archaeological context of the area. A possible exception to physiographic correlations of material culture is during the early and middle Paleoindian Period. The Rocky Mountains, Great Plains, the Southwest and the Great Basin have fairly homogenous material culture sequences during 9,000 BP to 12,000 BP timeframe as it is currently understood. Clovis and Folsom are found throughout this region and are generally followed by Agate Basin, Hell Gap and Alberta/Cody artifact types. Some variations should be noted such as Goshen Complex in the central High Plains and Plainview, a similar point with later radiocarbon dates, to the south (see Frison 1991). More variation is seen through time both within physiographic regions and across them and by the latter Paleoindian period some regional distinctions can be seen. Some artifacts types are still relatively widespread (i.e. the McKean projectile point type in the Middle Archaic) but in general the material cultures are regionally distinct. Hints of these distinctions could be seen in the artifact collections although with the small sample seen by this investigator the distinctions are subtle. Some artifact types are distinct and reflect either movement of materials or people. A bi-beveled knife found near Kim, a very distinct technology, is typical of the Great Basin Late Prehistoric and very likely exemplifies movement of Great Basin folks (probably Ute). Bone and shell beads in local collections, while utilized by High Plains groups, are far more common among eastern Great Plains groups and likely reflect an eastern influence in the area. This is reinforced by projectile point types fitting Central Plains Tradition classifications (Washita, etc.). Material culture from the Pueblos is relatively common in the area and prehistoric trade between Plains groups and the Pueblos is well documented (see Habicht-Mauche 2000). This trade may have some antiquity. A Middle Archaic projectile point in one collection appeared to be made of material from the Chuska Mountains (Chuska Mountain chert or "Paleo Pink") along the New Mexico/Arizona border area and a highly desired material. Diagnostic artifacts definitely from the southern Plains could not be discerned from the collections, but the presence of alibates attests to the movement of materials from that direction, if not people. The rock art recorded in this portion of this project seems to parallel the artifact distribution discussed above. The sites need examination by a specialized rock art researcher, but initially they appear to reflect influence from the different regions and timeframes. The archaeology of southeast Colorado is extremely complex. Archaeologists have really just started research in the Late Prehistoric, particularly the Middle Ceramic Period (see Cassells 1983, Zier and Kalasz 1999). When considering the Sopris (Upper Purgatoire Complex), the Apishapa, the peoples represented by the Barnes Site (see Lindsey 2005, 2007) and other Central Plains Tradition folks (i.e. Upper Republican, Panhandle Aspect, and Smokey Hills Phase) mixed in with more traditional High Plains folks (Apache, Arapaho, etc.), Great Basin folks coming over the hill and later newcomers such as the Cheyenne, it is a very confusing puzzle in SE Colorado that will take generations of archaeologists to even start to put a clear picture together of the dynamics of the area. The dynamics on the Raton Mesa are different than on the Colorado Piedmont. This southern portion of the High Plains is culturally more diverse than more northern areas. There have been many years of work on the Pinon Canon Maneuver Site. This work has not been adequately synthesized and work by different entities has created a situation where synthesizing may not be possible. Many of the sites have subsequently been destroyed by military activities. In some cases very limited samples have been accepted as representative of the archaeology of the area. Again, the archaeology of the area is extremely complex. A very large sample over a broad area is needed and that sample must be synthesized adequately if we are to ever succeed in compiling a comprehensive picture of the archaeology of SE Colorado. Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 83 Conclusions Historical Archaeology: The initial New Mexican frontier settlement movements into the San Luis Valley in the late 1840s and early 1850s were followed by permanent settlement in the regions of the Arkansas and Purgatoire valleys in the late 1850s and early 1860s. The settlements were on claims derived through 1840s Mexican land grants. The earliest settlement in both the upper and lower portions of the Purgatoire River valley occurred almost simultaneously. The upper Purgatoire settlements initially consisted of groups of families who moved into the region from northern New Mexico and built plazas, which housed extended families. The settlements started in the lower Purgatoire valley were mainly composed of Anglo-Americans, specifically Missourians, such as William Bent, Thomas Boggs, John Prowers, Kit Carson, and others. All of these individuals had been employed by Bent, St. Vrain and Company throughout the 1830s and 1840s at the company's adobe fort (Bent's Fort or Fort William) and by William Bent in the 1850s at his new stone fort at Big Timbers. Most of these men were married or cohabiting with Native American or Hispanic women. These new settlers brought with them two contrasting cultural systems. The northern advancing New Mexicans brought a 250-yearold frontier tradition that incorporated Iberian, Moorish, Pueblo, and Plains cultural influences. The Anglo-American introduced the cash-based economic system and all its attendant material manifestations. The material remains of this latter system are found throughout the majority of the historic sites in southeastern Colorado. These sites span the entire settlement periods beginning with the Territorial period (1861-1875) through the first half of the twentieth century, as represented by architectural and artifactual remains. Conversely, the material manifestations of the Hispanic settlers do not mirror those of the Anglo-Americans during the Territorial period, and aspects of traditional culture continue to be evidenced archaeologically into twentieth-century sites through the 1930s. Sites thought to be attributable to New Mexican Hispanics are very much in evidence, but they do not conform to an archaeological pattern that represents what could loosely be considered a nineteenth-century American artifact pattern represented by Euroamerican material culture. To arrive at explanations, the use of ethnohistorical data is necessary. The sites recorded reflect the historical patterns identified above. The sites selected for the intensive-level survey include a diverse array of homestead remains including dugouts, log structures, stone structures, stone foundations, bedrock metates, sheep pens, livestock pens, barns, dam, cistern, sheds, Denver & Rio Grande railroad station and grade, Hispanic plazas, concrete foundations, an isolated Hispanic Penitente morada, one morada associated with a plaza, in addition to associated artifacts. 5OT.1092 San Jose Plaza The site consists of an extensive Hispanic plaza located adjacent to the Purgatoire River in the Higbee Valley. This site represents one of the best and largest examples of a late 19th/early 20th century New Mexican antecedent Hispanic plaza that endured through the 1940s-1950s. The site is comprised of a total of 50 features represented primarily by stone foundations and minimally associated artifacts. There are other plaza-like complexes within the general project area in Las Animas and Otero County, however, this is one of the best examples and archaeologically, is basically intact. It is comprised of a series of features making up small domiciles, some more extensive with associated features, including a former store, tavern (presently standing and being used as a domicle and shed, respectively), church and school (the church and school have both been bulldozed and are represented by two rubble and soil piles). The area between the plaza and Purgatoire River has a ditch named the High Line Canal, oriented along an east-west axis, that was used to irrigate the former field. The plaza extended NE/SW and was situated in a higher area and on both sides of Higbee Road (CR 804). There is a cemetery (Martinez Cemetery) located at the extreme eastern portion of the site on the north side of the road with graves dating ca. 1890s through the 1990s (most recent grave). All observed features consist primarily of foundations of domestic 5OT.1092 Artifact scatter comprised of white-glazed earthenware, milk glass, amber, and aqua bottle glass 5OT.1092 Overview of stone scatter comprising former marginal foundation 84 This site would make an excellent candidate for such a listing. This site is definitely eligible and strong consideration should be given for inclusion to NRHP and CRSHP with a local level of significance. All of the recorded sites on 5OT.1092 are eligible as a district (San Jose Plaza community) and the site is eligible as a rural historic landscape district. Potential 5OT.1092 Higbee Store themes include ethnicity, vernacular architectural styles, etc. As the landowner is interested in protecting the site, a sign should be placed along the road to convey the historical aspects of San Jose Plaza. 5OT.1145 Andres Armijo Homestead The site contains eight features. The foundations and other features appear basically undisturbed with the exception of natural and livestock disturbance. They include a sandstone foundation, quarry pit, trash scatter, and two sandstone outcrops used as a machine base. The outcrops feature concrete for leveling and have been drilled to place machine bolts for a steampowered generator and a machinery base. Artifacts include an array of domestic artifacts including bottle glass (mainly amber, amethyst, aqua, and lime green), hole-in-top tin cans, cartridges, barrel hoops, ceramics, etc. This is one of the few sites recorded that dates ca. 1890-1930. The artifacts reflect the period quite extensively and is supported by the GLO homestead entry information of 1913 which if five years are removed concerning the required period of occupancy and improvements would place the original occupation around 1908. The site is thought to represent a sheep ranch based on the number of subsistence artifacts represented by bottle/jar glass, ceramics (both food preparation, food consumption and food storage) and tin cans, including the extensive number of worked bottle/jar glass artifacts. Artifacts associated with Features 1a/1b appear to be earlier (ca. 1890s-1910). The use of a steam powered generator possibly powered a generator that may have been used for lighting and possible sheep shearing. This site is a great example of Hispanic occupied sites within the region. This site is eligible for inclusion to the National Register of Historic Places and Colorado State Register of Historic Places at a local level of significance based on the NRHP area of significance regarding Ethnic Heritage and with an NRHP period of significance of 1890-1930. The artifacts represent a general time period of ca. 1890-1910. 5OT.1145 Overview of Feature 1a, extensive sandstone foundation. View to the northwest 5OT.1145 Features 4a and 4b (bolts drilled into sandstone of both features). Base for steam-powered generator. Feature 4b is situated on a large rock at left Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 85 structures, and the rubble and soil remains of the former San Jose Catholic church and the school that comprised San Jose Plaza denote the layout of a 19th century Hispanic village. With the exception of two standing structures (one house and outbuilding constructed of stone) all are archaeological features, which have deteriorated naturally. Most structures were adobe and some were constructed of stone. The overall density of the artifacts observed throughout the site is between 500 to 1000 in quantity and generally are present in minimal numbers. Generally, there are not many manufactured items on the site surface considering the size of the site. 5OT.1166 Pablo Mondragon/Carson Morada The site is located at the bottom of Penitente Canyon approximately one mile west of the Purgatoire River in a secluded location. The site is in a fairly inaccessible location and is quite a climb down and out of the canyon. It is accessible by foot from the Purgatoire River, approximately .82 miles west. The site consists of an extensively intact Penitente morada constructed of sandstone with a long east and west room with rounded apse at the east end and two adjacent north and south rooms. The overall plan resembles a cruciform. It also contains two corner fireplaces or fogones. The structure is very intact, in particular the stone walls constructed of rough cut stones in a variety of sizes, double wall with rubble center and adobe mortar. The roof has collapsed, however the remaining vigas and latillas indicate a flat roof which traditionally contained soil and plants such as cactus. Evidence of adobe plaster on interior and the door and window frames consist of milled lumber held together with wire nails ( Figure 7.11). 5OT.1166 is significant for both Ethnic Heritage and Religion. It contains potential for its representation of a specific Hispanic cultural context, architectural configuration and historical archaeology potential. Additionally, as part of the Colorado Southern Frontier Historic Context it is represented by Mexican Land Grants and Hispanic Settlement (1830-1870) and the Ethnic Diversity of Southeastern Colorado (1880-1945). The Penitente moradas are associated with New Mexican Hispanic religious cultural traditions and are unique to New Mexico and southern and southeastern Colorado. In summary, 5OT.1166 is eligible to the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) and Colorado State Register of Historic Places with a local level of significance under the NRHP Area of Significance comprising Ethnic Heritage and Religion. The artifact dates represent a period of ca. 1900-1930s. Concerning the site context, there are a number of architectural and archaeological sites in the Higbee Valley that would make excellent additions to a National Register district. Potential themes include ethnicity, vernacular architectural styles, etc. This site would make an excellent candidate for such a listing and shares similar characteristics as 5OT.1166. 5OT.1166 Overview of Pablo Mondragon/Carson Morada. View to the southwest. 5OT.1166 Worked bottle glass artifacts found in associated scatter northwest of the Morada 5OT.1166 Evidence of adobe plaster on interior of the morada 5OT.1166 One of the two corner fireplaces in the morada 86 Site 5OT.1160 is located on a north-south trending terrace/bench that overlooks both the confluence of two unnamed drainages and Sheep Canyon Arroyo. The site is comprised of nine features (three sandstone standing structures, one dugout, one outhouse pit, one semi-subterranean structure with addition, and three separate dump areas). The artifacts from this site are numerous and reflect a pattern typical of some early 20th century sites. The artifacts observed include architectural, domestic, personal, recreation, subsistence, transportation and agricultural groups. The major portion of the artifacts is located in the three trash dumps. It appears that Feature 5, (dugout and addition) and Feature 6 (trash dump), located along the eastern portion of the site, are associated and are earlier than the other features. The dump contains a considerable number of stoneware crock and bottle/jar glass shards, and hole-in-top tin cans. Generally the architectural artifacts consist of fieldstone, both dimensioned lumber and logs (one is a partially adzed beam with wire nails), wire nails and aqua window glass (pre-1920) in high frequencies. The domestic artifacts include amethyst and aqua bottle glass in high numbers. Light green and milk glass occur in minimal numbers. The tin cans are hole-in-top food tin cans that all date ca. 1900s. In terms of the ceramics the majority consist of stoneware crock fragments (storage) and refined earthen- ware (consumption) in high numbers and minimal quantities of white glazed earthenware and porcelain. The industrial artifacts consists of primarily of minimal frequencies of wagon parts, horse tack/harness, automobile parts, bailing wire, barrel hoops, etc. The final household artifacts representing an array of functions includes a bed frame and bedsprings, stove/parts (cast iron/tin), a salt or pepper tin lid, a cast iron skillet fragment "Flapjack" (no information found on trademark), an iron buckle (harness), an iron overall strap adjustor and an iron overall button with the following trademark on the rear portion "CROWN" "* B&L" "BRAND". The buttons date to the ca. 1930s. The artifacts definitely reflect an early 20th century date (ca. 1900-1930s). There is the potential for several early 20thcentury sites to be identified as "Early 20th Century Homesteads and Other Sites dating through the 1930s". This site should be considered in a complex of sites nominated to the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) and Colorado State Register of Historic Places (CSRHP) that have a date range beginning in the early 20th century through the 1930s (Dust Bowl) ca. 1910s-1930s. Site 5OT.1160 is eligible to the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) with a local level of significance based on the NRHP Area of Significance of Settlement. The artifacts indicate a general date range of ca. 1900-1930s. 5OT.1160 Overview of Feature 1. View to the west 5OT.1160 Rough sandstone outbuilding 5OT.1160 View of south Feature 1 addition. Note fireplace along the west wall. View to the southwest.jpg Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 87 5OT.1160 Albert F. Dobbins Homestead 5OT.1180 Francisco Peteque Plaza and Morada The site is located in a flat area of Smith Canyon between Smith Canyon creek and Colorado 109. It is oriented along a N/S axis on a relatively flat area that slightly slopes from south to north. The site is bounded on the east side by Colorado Highway 109 land contains canyon walls. The site is a domestic complex that contains 18 defined features. There are several partially standing stone buildings and several archaeological features (i.e. foundations, depressions, etc) and a fence line. The structures appear to be both for human and livestock utilization. One of the features is represented by a morada (religious structure). There is a small hill at the south side of the site, east of the morada, that contains a grave with a 1919 date stippled on a small sandstone outcrop. The Homestead Entry Final Proof: Testimony of Claimant document, dated August 13, 1912, states that Pequete was 75 years old 1912, born in Taos, New Mexico, a native of the United States and had a wife and two children. Pequete established residency on the land prior to the homestead application filed in May 1907, and he was living in a tent until the house was completed in spring 1908. The primary feature is a morada (religious structure) (1 of 3 recorded in 2008). The site is oriented in a N/S linear alignment with the morada (oriented on an east-west axis) is located at the south end. At the top of the small hill, east of the morada and west of Colorado 109, is a lone grave with an inscription, religious iconography and a "1919" date on the exposed sandstone bedrock. There are also associated domestic artifacts. The artifacts are primarily domestic in nature and are located in discrete clusters throughout the site comprised of Features 1�4, Features 5-9 and Features 10-12. All contain associated trash dumps (Features 5, 8b and 12b). The artifacts associated with Features 10-12b, situated next to Smith Creek, are earlier than the other features. Additional observations concerning the artifacts is that the minimal numbers of ceramic artifacts (i.e. plates, cups, bowls representing subsistence artifacts relating to food consumption, are possibly due to the utilization of tin enameled plates, bowls, cups, etc. There are also a higher number of tin cans than normally found on other similar homestead sites. The site served as a Hispanic plaza similar to those found in southeastern and southern Colorado and northern New Mexico. This site is contemporaneous with 5OT.1166. The site is eligible to the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) and Colorado State Register of Historic Places (CSRHP) with a local level of significance under the NRHP Area of Significance comprising Ethnic Heritage/Religion and Settlement. The artifact dates represent a period of c. 1900-1930s. The site is significant for both ethnic heritage and religion. It contains potential for its representation of a specific Hispanic cultural context, architectural configuration and historical archaeology potential. The Penitente morada is associated with New Mexican Hispanic religious cultural traditions and are unique to New Mexico and southern and southeastern Colorado. There are a number of architectural and archaeological sites in the Higbee Valley that would make excellent additions to a national register district. Potential themes include ethnicity, vernacular architectural styles, etc. This site, along with others in the Higbee valley, has the potential to contribute to a rural historic landscape district. Several of the sites are located along roads which can be made accessible to the public to view with interpretive panels without having to 5OT.1180 Feature 4b is a basalt outcrop headstone associated with grave (Feature 4a) invade private property. 5OT.1180 Aqua worked glass found at the site 5OT.1180 Overview of site complex located immediately west of Colorado Highway 109. Features 7a and 7b. 88 The site is located within an area marked topographically by a series of natural terraces oriented along and east-west axis and dropping toward an unnamed drainage from north to south. The east-west terrace was used by occupants for housing and animal pens. The site consists of a homestead with a series of structures on a series of E/W trending terraces. The terraces are incorporated, and which are enhanced by landscaping, for house, pens, corrals, possible garden, roads and other associated features. The area was previously school taxed land. The site was patented on November 19, 1923 by Allen Mayes using the May 20, 1862 homestead entry (BLM No. 923905 1923). In terms of the artifacts, they are low in frequency and are primarily limited to natural items (i.e. juniper posts) and not manufactured artifacts. Although the site was patented in 1925, there is an elaborate terrace and road system and some 19th century artifacts that suggest an earlier "squatter" occupation, possibly during its tenure as a school claim. The artifacts are minimal and although some bottle glass and ceramics occur, in addition to other manufactured items primarily comprised of juniper logs used for vigas and latillas and some dimensioned lumber and wire nails (i.e. chimney lantern glass, tin enameled ware, galvanized tin washtub, stove/parts (cast iron/tin), large (5 quart) gray tin-enameled pot and a small clear drinking glass that had been worked). Although the site was not patented until 1925 there are indications of a possible 19th century occupation. This is based on the elaborate terracing and association with the early road system in the area. Feature 6 which is oriented north-south may have had connections with the early trail. Two artifacts also attest to a potential 19th century occupation and are associated with Feature 1. One is a "Dr. Price/Baking Powder/254" lid that was manufactured between ca. 1869-1891; and the second one is an iron Masonic symbol that is intriguing. The site appears to contain aspects of late 19th century occupation, although not through 1862 Homestead Act, but possibly through "squatting", evidence of both a late 19th and early 20th century occupation and early historical activity in area (i.e. major E/W trail with branches, one which went through site and continued westward). There are also indications that it was a sheepherder camp in the 1930s after it was patented. The presence of worked glass may serve to attest to that indication. The owner has indicated that she has maps dated to the 1850's maps that evidence an historic road below (south) the site. Additionally, Feature 6 (north-south trail/road) suggest an association with the east-west trending historic road. The areas of significance are Settlement, Ethnic Heritage and Agriculture. The initial aspect concerns ethnic heritage which appears to be the case prior to the patent of the site which did not occur until 1925. The initial occupation may have been by squatters, thought to be of Hispanic origin based on the jacal architecture and worked bottle glass, during the period that it was part of a school section. Historical indications suggest an early utilization of the region as a transportation corridor. Feature 6, a north-south trending road or trail may connect with the historic east-west trail located south of the site. The second area of significance is agriculture and there is considerable evidence based on the use of garden terraces and animal pens. The general NRHP Period of Significance is ca. 1880s through 1930s. This site is eligible and strong consideration 5HF.2335 Cast iron Masonic emblem should be given for inclusion to NRHP. located within Feature 1 5HF.2335 Feature 10a. Jacal structure remnant 5HF.2335 Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 89 5HF.2335 Allen Mayes Homestead 5HF.2336 Denver & Rio Grande (D&RG) Railroad Depot and Grade This site is an impressive site represented by an intact Denver & Rio Grande (D&RG) railroad depot and grade. The original D&RG depot is still intact; archaeological features are also in good condition comprised of the original railroad grade, the remains of a water tank, a stone foundation with cellar and two dumps. The topography on the site is relatively flat and slopes slightly to the east and west from the location of the structures. The site includes a c. 1876 intact wooden frame depot situated east of the D&RG railroad grade (Feature 4),a large stone foundation with a cellar, a well, a railroad grade, and dumps. The depot is a small frame building (former D&RG depot) with plank siding, steep gable roof, frame walls and tongue and groove interior siding and plank floors. The artifacts are comprised of the various artifact groups and have a high artifact density. These include an array of cut nails, wire nails, window glass, cartridge (40+), white glazed earthenware, refined earthenware, decorated earthenware, salt glazed stoneware, aqua bottle glass, lime green bottle glass, amethyst bottle glass, amber bottle glass, clear bottle glass, milk jar seals, aqua worked glass, amethyst worked glass, clocks/watches, historic rock art, most indicative of the late 19th and early 20th century. There are artifacts scattered throughout the site with the heaviest portions associated with the trash dumps. The majority of the artifacts consist of cut over wire nails by an over 2 to 1 ratio indicating a definite 19th century presence with a late 19th century presence marked by the introduction of wire nails ca. 1890s. The site's post-1890 utilization is demonstrated by wire nails. Most are thought to be associated with the construction of Feature 2. The oral history documentation suggests that a saloon was previously located on the site. The bottle glass is comprised of light green and amethyst, both which have beginning dates of ca. 1860s and 1880s, respectively. The bottle glass occurs in limited numbers, and also at least one of each glass color has a representative that has been modified. There is also one aqua insulator fragment that has been modified. The final artifacts denoting a 19th century presence is the utilization of refined white earthenware (i.e. ironstone) ceramics. The refined earthenware occurs on late 19th and early 20th century sites. Other ceramics include salt-glazed stoneware representing utilitarian items such as crocks or jugs, red glazed earthenware with a buff interior utilized for food preparation and a blue willow transfer-printed white glazed earthenware used for food consumption. The final observation is that tin cans were not observed. The Denver and Rio Grande (D&RG) was the first major north/south railroad built in Colorado. The narrow gauge railroad was built by General William Palmer in 1876 and originally had plans to go to Mexico City. General Palmer had earlier been responsible for constructing the Kansas Pacific Railroad route into Denver in the early 1870s and was responsible for starting the present City of Las Animas in 1873. The original construction occurred in 1871, this stretch of the D&RG was constructed in 1876. The track reached El Morro, outside of Trinidad, on February 26, 1878 (Sandia Software 2005). The NRHP Area of Significance is attributable to Transportation. The period of significance is ca. 1876 through 1930s when the railroad grade was abandoned and the railroad was re-routed using standard gauge track. Although original construction occurred in 1871, this stretch of the D&RG was constructed in 1876. The railroad made a significant impact to the regions that it encompassed, like southeastern Colorado, in terms of providing access to settlement by individuals and groups. It also made possible the importation of tools and other manufactured Euroamerican material culture that enhanced settlement opportunities. The site's association with the 1876 D&RG railroad, and especially with an original railroad depot, leads this site to be eligible to the NRHP and CSRHP with a local level of significance under the area of significance of Transportation. 5HF.2336 Overview of railroad grade and depot 5HF.2336 Cut nail located on the depot's east wall confirming the structure's 19th century origin 90 The site sits in a small east-west oriented canyon and features contain a similar orientation. The canyon widens and turns north. There is a natural spring located at the northeast portion of the site approximately 75 meters from the main portion of the site. The site consists of an antecedent Hispanic New Mexican homestead patented in 1921 by Jose F. Martinez. According to oral history the site was occupied earlier. It was abandoned in the 1930s. The site is in the bottom of Turkey Spring Canyon. There is a road, expanded at a later date with a bulldozer. A total of 21 features were observed and recorded and include a cluster of habitation and livestock structures, corrals, fencelines, metates, etc., that follow the NW/SE orientation of the canyon oriented around a spring. There is a cluster of features at the southern half, along with a series of features that are located along the lower canyon edge along the west and north base of the canyon. The site contains a total of 22 features consisting of two partially standing sandstone structures and the remaining 19 features consist of archaeological features and natural features (i.e. foundations, pits, roads, natural spring, etc.). Generally, the artifacts are comprised of architectural and domestic artifacts along with artifacts that reflect those industrially produced in limited frequencies. The architecture denotes a lack of nails, and the extensive use of juniper logs. Dimensioned lumber was not observed. The subsistence-associated food consumption artifacts consisting of white, decorated and refined wares occur in low numbers. An unusal number of porcelain sherds occurs on this site. The food preparation group is represented by salt-glazed stoneware. The bottle/jar glass also is represented in low frequencies with the highest number consisting of colorless bottle glass, followed by amethyst and light green in moderate numbers and aqua, cobalt, olive and milk glass represented by between one to three observed fragments. Two of the bottle/jar glass fragments, the single aqua fragment and one of the light green fragments, have been modified. Additionally, two non-bottle glass fragments consisting of a thick, lime green window glass and a clear, thick dish/bowl, both worked. Tin cans occur in moderate frequencies. There is also evidence of wagon-related and auto-related artifacts and a REM-UMC"/.30-.30 cartridge manufactured between 1912 and 1946 (Remington Arms n.d.). The site was patented by Juan F. Martinez on November 16, 1921 under the May 20, 1862 Homestead Entry (BLM 1921). According to the 1920 U.S. Census, Juan F. Martinez was originally from New Mexico where he was born in 1884 from two New Mexican parents and is listed as a stock raiser and a married head of household. Under the Race/Ethnicity category he is listed as "white (Mexican)", non-literate and language spoken was Spanish. The National Register Areas of Significance are Settlement and Ethnic Heritage. The Period of Significance entails 1870-1945. The artifact dates based on a cumulative observation of the artifact groups and limited diagnostic artifacts denote a general date range between 1916 -1930s. The component function represents an extensive antecedent Hispanic New Mexican homestead that may actually represent a small plaza based on the number of features. The site represents the latter stages of a migration process that began in the 1860s after the introduction of the Homestead Act of 1862. Today it is used as pasture. In summary, there are a number of architectural and archaeological sites in the project area that would make excellent additions to a national register district. Potential themes include ethnicity, religion, vernacular architectural styles, etc. This site would make an excellent candidate for a listing to the NRHP and CSRHP with a local level of significance under the Settlement and Ethnic Heritage areas of significance. 5LA.11620 Feature 14, bedrock metate within the site complex 5LA.11620 Overview of Feature 1 remains. View to the southwest Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 91 5LA.11620 Juan F. Martinez Homestead 5LA.11673 Nicolas Rivera Homestead The site consists of a unique set of structures and features (i.e. households and animal pens) that utilize natural sandstone features in their construction. The site is located near the head of an unnamed drainage that empties into Jack Canyon. There are a total of 18 total features including a partially standing adobe house that incorporates a large rock overhang (rock shelter), a stone terraced area, a stone wall, a trail, a spring house, stone enclosures set among canyon walls, and bedrock metates. The artifacts are limited in terms of their functions. Basically the selective artifact groups consist of architectural and domestic ceramics, bottle glass, crocks, etc. The bottle/jar glass consists of light green, clear and amethyst in moderate numbers with minimal numbers of amber and cobalt. In terms of ceramics the frequencies are quite low with only a few refined earthenware sherds representing food consumption were obsered. It is assumed that meal consumption possible occurred using tin plates. Additionally, the storage ceramics comprised of salt-glazed stoneware crocks/jugs. Sanitary cans, denoting an early 20th century occurrence, were observed in moderate numbers. The majority of the artifacts represent architectural artifacts consisting of manufactured items comprising dimensioned lumber, wire nails, window glass, roofing tin and hinges in high numbers. Field stone and adobe also observed in high to moderate frequencies. Several of the features contain the potential to provide additional information through subsurface deposits. The site was originally patented by Nicolas Rivera on January 15, 1885 using the May 20, 1862 Homestead Entry (BLM 1885). Rivera's Homestead Proof � Testimony of Claimant file dated May 22, 1883 states that Rivera is 38 years old in 1883, was born in New Mexico, and has a family that includes a wife and four daughters. A Homestead Proof � Testimony of Witness document from May 22, 1883 details neighbor Manuel A. Bachiche's knowledge of Nicolas Rivera. According to Bachiche, Rivera is a native of the United States, the head of a family and established residency in the area in August 1875. The site appears to be an antecedent Hispanic New Mexican Homestead with an historic component date ca. 1890s-1920s based on both archival and artifact data. The artifacts all appear to date ca. post 1890s (i.e. exclusively wire nails and sanitary tin cans which were manufactured beginning ca. 1904). The site appears to have functioned as a sheep ranch, based on the USGS map designation and the number of pens and corrals observed. In summary, the site was patented in 1885 and the artifacts suggest a ca. 1890-1920s. It contains a limited array of manufactured artifacts with the majority being architecturally related artifacts. Site 5LA.11673 is considered eligible to the National Register of Historic Places under the Area of Significance of Ethnic Heritage with a local level of significance. The site occupation based both on archival and artifactual data is ca. 1880-1920s. There are a number of architectural and archaeological sites in the Purgatoire Valley project area that would make excellent additions to a National Register rural historic landscape district. Potential themes include ethnicity, religion, vernacular architectural styles, etc. 5LA.11673 View of structure incorporated into a rock overhang (Feature 1a) and adobe remnant wall represents addition 5LA.11673 Animal pen (Feature 6a) located against sandstone outcrop. It is constructed of sandstone slabs with a post and dimensioned lumber hinged gate 92 The Eusebio Padilla Homestead was patented in 1909. The site is located in Clark Canyon in a flat bottom and is surrounded on all sides by canyon slopes. It is located approximately 1200 meters northwest of 5LA.11732 (Goat Ranch). The majority of the stone structures are intact except for collapsed roofs. The majority of the disturbance is natural (i.e. water, wind and animal activity). The site represents a small plaza complex in Clark Canyon. Features include a large sandstone complex with an adobe addition containing a corner fireplace and associated artifacts, concrete lined cisterns, a sandstone lined dugouts, a small rectangular sandstone foundation for outhouse with flagstone walk, a stone corral abutting a post and wire corral, a one room partially collapsed sandstone structure with associated roof viga and juniper latillas, and a square stone animal enclosure incorporating large boulder outcrops. The artifacts observed consist of an array of domestic and architectural artifacts. The bottle/jar glass consists of clear, light green, milk glass, amethyst, aqua and cobalt with all but the milk glass and cobalt containing evidence of modification. The ceramics evidence a moderate number of white glazed earthenware and minimal amounts of refined earthenware, decorated earthenware and porcelain (food consumption). The food storage ceramics (crocks/jugs) occur in minimal numbers. Additional food items are sanitary tin cans. The architectural artifacts are the most numerous and represent all items that were incorporated in a structure, both natural and manufactured. An example is represented by the numerous fieldstone used to construct the main structural elements. Although nails occur in moderate quantities, dimensioned lumber occurs only minimally. On the other hand, the number of raw logs, and one hewn log, occur in high numbers. Additionally, window glass is present in high quantities. Miscellaneous tin (i.e. roof, siding, etc.) only minimally present. Other artifacts present in minimal numbers include barrel hoops, barbed and baling wire, a tin bucket and windmill blades. The general domestic items, associated with the general household include a copper chimney lamp generator, one piece zinc jar lid. Also an item that represents an element of the household, in part, are recreational artifacts that include toys. A toy wagon wheel rim was also observed. Generally, the artifacts have date range of ca. 1869 through 1960s, although specific artifacts can be dated more specifically and represent the overall occupation of the site. There are several features with potential to contain subsurface deposits within the structural features. There is also subsurface deposit potential within the courtyard area. Additional features with archaeological potential are the two cisterns and the two outhouses. Site 5LA.11741 represents an early 20th century Hispanic homestead arranged in the form of a plaza with antecedent New Mexican roots. The site is eligible to the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) and Colorado State Register of Historic Places (CSRHP). Site 5LA.11741 is considered eligible to the National Register of Historic Places with a local level significance under the Areas of Significance of Settlement, Agriculture, and Ethnic Heritage. It contains a limited array of manufactured artifacts with the majority being architecturally related artifacts. The site occupation based on both archival and artifactual data is c.1905- 1930. There are a number of architectural and archaeological sites in the Purgatoire Valley project area that would make excellent additions to a national register landscape district. Potential themes include ethnicity, religion, vernacular architectural styles, etc. This site would make an excellent candidate for such a listing. 5LA.11741 Overview of extensive corral complex (Feature 9b). Located east of Feature 1 (main house) 5LA.11741 Overview of Feature 2 (foundation remains) in foreground. Feature 1a (stone structure and foundations of main house) Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 93 5LA.11741 Eusebio Padilla Homestead 5LA.11853 Richard H. Bloxsom Homestead The Richard H. Bloxsom Homestead was patented on August 17, 1922 under the original Homestead Act. This site is situated on topography that is relatively flat. The architectural features are in fair condition. The roofs have collapsed or are in a state of imminent collapse. The site is a complex of 18 features comprised of 10 buildings (sandstone construction), corrals and pens, most located within a fenced compound. The fencing is comprised of juniper posts individually wired together with barbed wire. There are not many manufactured artifacts observed and are limited to bottle glass, ceramics and milled lumber. Additionally, the major amount of cultural material was locally manufactured and consists of juniper posts (roof and fence posts). The general artifact scatter is light with the main manufactured items are comprised of architectural artifacts and domestic artifacts. The major manufactured items present include an extensive amount of dimensioned lumber and wire nails. Additionally, an extensive number of juniper and pine logs associated with both structure construction, and in particular associated with the construction of the assorted fencelines. Despite the size and lateness of the site complex, only minimal amounts of window glass were observed. There are also minimal numbers of other miscellaneous artifacts including sheet tin, barbed wire, etc. The bottle glass is comprised of light green, colorless, amber and amethyst and milk glass in moderate numbers. A substantial number are worked. Additionally present is white glazed earthenware. The artifacts are represent a general time period of ca. 1910-1930s. As with Site 5LA.11759, the overall numbers of artifacts are quite limited, and although the architectural numbers were considerably higher in frequency, the domestic artifacts were very limited in their numbers. Several of the features contain a potential for buried subsurface deposits. According to homestead documents, Bloxson arrived on the site in 1917. The terminal date for the site occupation is assumed to be ca. 1930s. According to the 1930 U.S. census Richard H. Bloxsom was born in Illinois about 1877. His father had been born in England and his mother in Illinois. In his homestead testimony, Bloxson reports raising kaffir corn, maize, millet, and wheat. However, evidence suggests that the site might also have functioned as a sheep camp. The ethnic affiliation of the occupants is of English origin, however, the number of worked glass artifacts observed suggests the presence of New Mexican Hispanics. The uniqueness of the overall architectural arrangement, not observed on any other sites within the project area, denotes a different ethnic background than previously encountered. Mr. Bloxsom was of English background and the layout may represent a pattern based on English antecedent roots. On the other hand, the general artifact pattern observed represents a typical pattern observed on other similar sites. Additionally, the presence of New Mexican Hispanics is suggested based on the worked bottle glass and basalt flake. This site, in addition to Sites 5LA.11759 and 5LA.11894 represent terminal Depression era sites in that they were patented in the latter stages prior to the Dust Bowl. This site is one of the better examples of the terminal sites based on its uniqueness in terms of its general layout. Site 5LA.11853 is considered eligible for nomination to the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) and the Colorado State Register of Historic Places (CSRHP) with a local level of significance. The NRHP Areas of Significance of the site is Settlement and Agriculture and the NRHP Period of Significance is c.1917-1930s. 5LA.11853 Feature 7, partially collapsed sandstone structure, in foreground. Feature 1 is located in the background 5LA.11853 Site overview of Feature 1 (center), Feature 7 (right), and section of sandstone wall representing Feature 6b (partially standing structure 94 Site 5LA.11894 was patented by Frank Hils, from Germany, in 1923 under the Stock Raising Act of 1916. Hils arrived on the land in 1916, living in a tent until a house was constructed. The site is located at the top of a small hill with an excellent view of the surrounding country side. The site consists of 10 features and sub-features, most of which are comprised of standing structures and collapsed buildings located around a central area. Some of the structures still retain their original roof support system. The roofs are comprised of open rafters of Ponderosa pine and pine. Two structures were used as habitations and are still intact. There is extensive use of railroad ties for corral construction and landscaping. All of the features are oriented around a central square, European style. Some of the building styles and functions are unknown. This is the only site recorded in the project area that served the function of turkey ranching and is also ethnically distinct in terms of the architecture and the site layout. Site features include a large rectangular barn containing limestone, pine and juniper logs, dimensioned lumber and railroad ties; a dugout with a juniper log roof; a large rectangular outbuilding comprised of railroad ties (walls) and dimensioned lumber (roof); a small outbuilding constructed using juniper logs and railroad ties; a circular corral with a central post that was used for breaking horses ; a large rectangular log structure constructed of hewn logs, railroad ties and milled lumber; and a partial dugout structure with associated garden area containing lilacs, possible fruit trees and other domesticated plants. All of the wood structures are extensively disturbed and in a collapsed state In terms of the artifacts, there is a relatively extensive artifact scatter associated with individual features. The artifact groups represent similar groups noted on other sites. The difference is that the architectural artifacts occur in high numbers while the domestic artifacts are minimal in number. The architectural artifacts consist of high numbers of wire nails and dimensioned lumber and lower numbers of natural logs (i.e. juniper, etc). There are also miscellaneous artifacts in moderate numbers (i.e. barrel hoops, car parts, wagon parts, wagon parts, etc.), than those for domestic artifacts which occur in very low numbers. These include aqua jar fragments and stoneware crock/jar shards. No evidence of tin cans observed. Two separate wagon remains were found along the eastern portion of the site. One indicates it was made by the Wilburn Wagon Company made in Toledo, OH, that was in operation from 1873-1923 when it was purchased by General Motors. The artifacts have a general date range of ca. 1910-1930s. Some of the features have the potential for recovery of subsurface artifacts within the interior or exterior of areas. An outhouse pit also contains a potential for subsurface deposits. The site has an array of architectural and artifact patterns, in terms of their arrangement, that contain a mixture of natural material (i.e. juniper posts, pine logs, stone, etc), and the extensive use of railroad ties, and milled lumber and wire nails. Site 5LA.11894 is considered eligible for nomination to the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) and the Colorado State Register of Historic Places (CSRHP) with a local level of significance. The NRHP Area of Significance of the site is Settlement, Agriculture and Ethnic Diversity. The NRHP Period of Significance is 1916-c.1940. This site is one of the most extensive of the sites observed and both its uniqueness in terms of ethnicity and its function. 5LA.11894 Site overview of Turkey Farm's mainly collapsed structure 5LA11894 Feature 2 (log structure remains) situated at the southeastern portion of the site Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 95 5LA.11894 Frank Hils/Christina Doll Homestead 5LA.11759 J. Claud Claussen Homestead The J. Claud Claussen Homestead (5LA.11759) was patented on April 26, 1940. The site is located near the head of an unnamed canyon that drains into Plum Canyon. The homestead features include an extensive rectangular, two-room dugout with roof joists; three associated concrete-lined cisterns on a concrete pad; a trash dump; a collapsed structure that incorporated a juniper tree in its constructions (which contains the remains of a cream separator and associated artifacts); a dugout with sandstone walls and a large unpeeled Ponderosa pine roof joist; a seep dammed with stone and concrete to create a pool at the head of a narrow canyon to the northwest; and a stone-lined springhouse located in a canyon cutout approximately 70 meters south. Plum Canyon, the nearest permanent water source, is located a distance of 2,090 meters, well over a mile from the site. The artifacts associated with this site are not as numerous as other sites, especially those of such late occupancy. The usual functional artifact groupings representing architectural and domestic artifacts are present, however, only in minimal numbers. The architectural artifacts are represented by a high quantity of juniper logs used for roof timbers, and dimensioned lumber, minimal numbers of window glass and roofing tin. The domestic artifacts are minimal numbes of bottle/jar glass, primarily colorless (Tables 7.44 and 7.45). One interesting bottle present at the site was a lime-green bottle fragment of Pluto Water, manufactured between 1905 and 1930 in French Lick, Indiana. It has embossed concentric rings and Satan w/pitchfork, and "PLUTO WATER"& "AMERICA'S PHYSIC" (Table 7.46). The ceramics observed were minimal and all decorated. The majority of the artifacts were associated with the shed structure. As previously noted, it contains the remains of a cream separator (i.e. galvanized tub with wooden frame and pulley assembly) and associated artifacts. The miscellaneous artifacts include tin stove pipe, tin tube, car door, miscellaneous tin, roofing tin, dimensioned lumber, juniper logs, hard rubber, miscellaneous iron, iron pipe, large square tin can, and a converted iron pipe with small drain hole on side. One diagnostic artifact found was a complete milk glass jar seal w/embossing "DESIGN PATENT 80918 M GLS" on exterior ring. "THE BEST FOODS INC" on interior ring. The jar seal dates to ca. 1932 . The features with a potential to contain subsurface deposits, on both the interior and exterior locations of the structural features, as well as the trash dump location (Figure 7.38). According to homestead documents, Claussen claimed residence on the site in 1932 and was responsible for the construction of the homestead and water features. He lived on the homestead from 1932 until 1936 with his wife and child. The family cultivated a garden and leased grazing land to the Doherty Investment Company. The family had already moved on to California when the land was patented to Claussen in 1940. In summary, the site is unique in terms of its isolation and use of natural water sources to establish innovative water delivery and cooling systems. In terms of artifacts it is surprising that in terms of the late age of this site there were only minimal number of artifacts present on the site. The artifacts have a date range of ca. 1910-1950s and fall within the occupation period of the site. Site 5LA.11759 represents a Depression era Anglo-American homestead. It is situated in a remote canyon, but contained a unique water system that included damming a natural seep and piping water using gravity to a series of four cisterns located adjacent to a dwelling, and also the use of a second seep south of the site to create a spring house. Site 5LA.11759 is considered eligible to the National Register of Historic Places with a local level of significance under the under the Area of Settlement. The Period of Significance is 1932-1936. 5LA.11759 Feature 1a, large dugout with collapsed Ponderosa pine roof main beam and juniper log roof joists 5LA.11759 Three associated concrete-lined cisterns on a pad, located west of Feature 1a. The larger cistern (center) has several Hutchinson stopper jar lids imbedded in the concrete base 96 The Fidler Homestead was patented by Wilbert O Fidler on 12/10/1923. The site has some intact foundations, however some of the other features appear to be deflated and are not as visible containing only partial, or not present foundations. It appears that some of the foundation stone was removed sometime in the past for possible recycling at another locale. Alternatively, these conditions may also represent partial or fully buried foundations. The site includes sandstone foundations, a dugout, a cistern and a trash scatter. The bottle glass observed is primarily light green, clear (milk bottle) and amethyst. There is considerable flaked/worked glass comprising the above mentioned colors. Other colors observed in minimal numbers include cobalt and amber bottle/jar glass. Milk glass was also observed. The ceramics included moderate amounts of white earthenware comprising food consumption, minimal amounts of saltglazed stoneware consisting of crocks and jugs utilized for storage, and one porcelain sherd. The architectural artifacts included wire nails, dimensioned lumber and window glass in moderate to high frequencies. Juniper logs also observed used for roof vigas. Tins cans occur in minimal frequencies. One hinged-lid tobacco can (dated ca 1910+) was observed. Other miscellaneous artifacts observed in minimal numbers include a barrel hoop, a galvanized 2-3 gal can with a wire bale, miscellaneous tin fragments (roof/siding tin), barbed wire and a bicycle wheel. The diagnostic artifacts consist of a Remington Arms Company .45 caliber Smith and Wesson cartridge manufctured between 1912 and 1934). The cartridge headstamp contains the following datal: "REM-UMC" ".45 S&W". The other diagnostic artifact consists of a milk glass liner for a one-piece zinc screw cap. The liner is a "Genuine Boyd Cap" for Mason jar that was manufactured between 1869 through the 1940s. Another potential artifact observed was "Dr. Price Baby Powder" for which no data was available online. This is important as children were present on the site base on both the baby power and bicycle wheel observed. Filder was born in Ohio in 1864 and was white, married to Lucy Fidler and the head of the household. U.S. Census records show that Fidler was a farmer, and he and his wife Lucy had six children. The 1910 census shows them in North Campbell, Missouri, although the four oldest of their children were born in Iowa, indicating that the family had previously lived there. The Fidler family does not appear on the 1920 census, indicating they may have been in transit at the time or that the census enumerator simply didn't make it all the way out to Rattlesnake Butte. By 1930, Wilbert and Lucy Fidler had moved on to Pamona, on the Western Slope in Mesa County, and were farming there, although their children were no longer living with them. This is a marginal site. Overall, the features are deflated and it appears that the building and foundation stones have been removed. The overall artifact inventory consists both architectural and subsistence artifacts in moderate and minimal numbers. This site is determined not eligible since there are more intact Anglo-American homesteads from the same period in the region. 5LA.11656 Feature 8 (trash scatter) containing bottle/jar artifacts represented by amethyst, aqua, lime green, and clear bottle glass 5LA.11656 Overview of foundation representing Feature 1 Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 97 5LA.11656 Fidler Homestead 5LA.11732 Manual A. Zamora Homestead/ Goat Ranch The site was patented by Manual A. Zamora on April 18, 1914 under the Homestead Act. It is located in the bottom of Goat Canyon at the foot of the north rim. It is on a terrace that is located between the canyon bottom that extends to the creek that is fed by a spring situated at the north end of the site. The site is an E/W oriented linear site with nine structures and features. There is a spring at the east end of the site. There are a series of habitation structures, animal pens, etc., along with a stone wall and road along the south site perimeter. It is possible that the terraced area between the structures and south boundary may have been used for farming. The artifacts are minimal with the exception of naturally obtained items (i.e. building stone). In terms of bottle glass, minimal amounts of aqua, amethyst, light green, amber clear and milk glass occur. Approximately one-quarter of the bottle glass is worked. White glazed earthenware, gray salt-glazed stoneware and porcelain occur in minimal numbers. Architectural artifacts include stone in high numbers, window glass, raw juniper logs and milled lumber occur in minimal numbers. There are also auto parts, a copper chimney generator for an oil lamp, and a tin bucket with bale. There are also slab metates, manos and lithics scattered throughout the site. Several features have the potential to contain subsurface deposits. In summary, the site represents an excellent example of the various adaptations that were undertaken by Hispanic New Mexicans as they migrated into Colorado into a familiar environment that represented an extension of their New Mexican homeland. This process was initiated in the 1860s and continued through the 1930s. According to Vidal Martinez, the Goat Ranch occupants sold milk, cheese, and goats. The site is considered eligible to the National Register of Historic Places. It is determined eligible under the NRHP Area of Significance of Ethnic Heritage. The artifact dates denote a c. 1910-1930s date of occupation. The site represents a turn-of-century antecedent Hispanic New Mexican homestead. It is one of only limited similar early 20th century homesteads settled by former New Mexican Hispanics. There are a number of late 19th and early 20th century historical architectural and archaeological sites in the project area that would make excellent additions to a National Register district. The potential themes include ethnicity, vernacular architectural styles, etc. This site would make an excellent candidate, along with others with similar characteristics, can be included in a National Register landscape district. 5LA.11732 Sandstone outbuilding 5LA.11732 Spring 5LA.11732 Terrace 98 The Trujillo Homestead was patented on October 10, 1905 under original Homestead Act by the heirs of Jose Ignacio Trujillo. The site is located in a slightly NW-SE trending hill overlooking, and west of the confluence of an unnamed arroyo and Box Canyon, located approximately 1,300 meters to the northwest. The site encompasses approximately 20 acres and is comprised of an extensive array of 18 features. The features consist of sandstone buildings with walls partially intact, stone foundations, dugouts (some are located on an E/W oriented ledge), two bedrock metates, a large domestic trash dump, cistern, outhouse pits, stone corrals and associated artifacts (i.e. architectural, domestic and other functional groups), and natural features. The dwelling is a sandstone structure with a central fireplace and dimensioned lumber window and door jambs with cut nails and vigas & latillas containing both cut & wire nails. Many of these features have the potential to contain subsurface deposits within the structural remains. In terms of the associated artifacts, nearly one half of the bottle glass is worked and is comprised of olive, light green, aqua, amethyst, amber, blue (not cobalt), milk glass, and clear bottle glass. Other artifacts include white refined earthenware, white glazed earthenware, salt glaze stoneware, lead-glazed yellow buffware mixing bowl (food preparation), cut and wire nails, crushed cans, milled lumber, barrel hoops, watch, sheep shears and narrow gauge wire. The artifacts when viewed in more detail reveal 19th century rim fire cartridges (.56 caliber rimfire Spencer and.44 caliber Henry rimfire cartridges), hand blown bottle glass, machine cut nails and refined earthenware. The amount of worked bottle glass definitely indicates Hispanic occupants. In summary, this site dates to the 1860s and by the fact that it was not patented until 1905 by Jose Trujillo's heirs suggests that it was a squatted site that was improved. The amount of material items present from the c. 1860s (i.e. dimensioned lumber, machine cut nails, rimfire cartridges, improved earthenware, etc) attests to its possible use or basis for the original settlement, as a stage station. There are oral history indications that it served as a 19th century stage stop (T. Williams 2008, p.c.). The extensive worked bottle glass denotes evidence of extensive Hispanic component. It does appear that the artifacts reflect an earlier time period than the ca. 1905 patent date. Sites with material culture from the c. 1860s are relatively rare. The settlement or Hispanic plaza had a main component with ancillary peripheral areas containing small habitation areas incorporated into the natural outcrops. National Register areas of significance include settlement and ethnic heritage. The NRHP Period of Significance is c.1860s-1920s which reflects the dates of the artifacts found on the site. The statement of significance entails this site being representative of a 19th century antecedent Hispanic New Mexican homestead. It represents one of only a limited number of similar 19th century homesteads. This site, along with other similar sites in the project area, has the potential to contribute to an historic landscape district. 5LA.11682 5LA.11682 Figure 10 (trash dump) with artifact concentration of assorted artifacts (i.e. copper clock back, tin fragment, salt-glazed stoneware, amethyst, olive, and aqua bottle glass, iron fragment, and hole-in-top tin can lid). 5LA.11682 Feature 12c (concrete-lined cistern) that represents a 20th century addition Survey Results: Intensive-level Survey Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 99 5LA.11682 Trujillo Homestead 100 Research Questions and Analysis Research Questions and Analysis Prehistoric Archaeology The following represent a few of the many research questions concerning the prehistoric archaeology of southeastern Colorado. The intent of the project was not to directly address these issues, but rather to locate sites that could possibly resolve some of these research questions and potentially fill some gaps in our understanding of the archaeology of this region. The sites chosen for intensive recording demonstrated research potential, not only to address new research possibilities, but to further our understanding of known prehistoric cultures and periods. General research objectives for the region include: � � � � � To locate and record sites that are unique or rare in the area, such as the early Paleo-Indian types and sites having the Barnes ceramic types. To locate and record sites with good deposition and integrity that could possibly further our understanding of the chronology of the area. To identify sites that may further our understanding of population movements such as the Athapascan and Great Basin groups into Eastern Colorado. To locate and record sites that may further our understanding of regional interactions such as that between Plains/ Puebloan groups. To locate and record cultural landscape and resource utilization within the area. The chronological data established by Christopher Lintz and Jane L. Anderson and their colleagues (Lintz and Anderson 1989) is almost 20 years old. It is still being used, but one of the authors (C. Lintz, p.c. 2010) is the first to admit that revisions are in order. The research undertaken during this project could be an initial step in such a revision and further the understanding of the very complex pre-contact period archaeology in this region. The following is a discussion of the seven prehistoric sites recorded at the intensive level followed by a general discussion of the results. Research Questionsthe Purgatoire River Region and Analysis Cultural Resources Survey of 101 The Bader Ranch Of the seven sites included in the Prehistoric portion of this project, three were on the Bader Ranch. The Bader Ranch is located along Smith Creek, in the valley, and includes parts of the mesa east of the valley. The area is a bit of a problem for this type of project as it may be an archaeological landscape which is a situation where it is difficult to draw boundaries on sites and they are somewhat of a continuum for miles. Ira Bader gave this type of description for the terrace area to the east of Smith Creek and I witnessed this to some extent on sites 5LA.12527 and 5LA.11883. This project does not have the resources to adequately deal with this situation. For site 5LA.11883 the solution, within the scope of the project, was to impose somewhat arbitrary site boundaries and record an element (the rock art) that made the site eligible. The rock art on site 5LA.1183 consisted of two fairly large panels with few elements within the panels. Detailed exploration of the site will undoubtedly reveal more panels. The petroglyph appears to be a corn motif repeated in two panels. It is similar to Hopi depictions of corn. To my knowledge the only remotely similar plant depictions on the High Plains are thought to be representative of tobacco and are Christmas-tree-like in shape (see Francis and Loendorf 2002:170). These panels may have a southwestern influence. Site 5LA.11884 consists of two small rock art panels with abstract figures. The art figures are stylistically different and, while they are not particularly remarkable, the site also has a lithic scatter with some potential for buried cultural deposits. The rock art was unfamiliar to the project archaeologist and may be a style found on the southern Plains. Site 5LA.12527 is a multi-component site with buried cultural materials. Ira Bader showed me this site as one where he had found several diagnostics artifacts but emphasized that it was typical of sites in the lower part of the valley. In this instance there is a cut bank demonstrating substantial Holocene deposition and an artifact concentration in an area where diagnostic artifacts were eroding from stratified deposits exhibiting a very good possibility of having intact cultural levels. The sequence probably spans the Late Prehistoric through at least the Middle Archaic. The Bader's artifact collection confirmed these eras of occupation and included an artifact likely from the middle Paleoindian period. Because there were no other artifacts associated with this point it appears the Paleoindian artifact was an isolated find and not part of a larger site. Robertson Ranch Site 5LA.11838 on the Robertson property is interesting because of its position on the landscape and the dichotomy of the styles of rock art. It is likely not the only site in the vicinity that fits criteria for eligibility, but it immediately fits the criteria without extensive testing beyond the scope of this project. Poitry Creek flows intermittently, but the pool below the rock art panel has not been known to go dry during historic times. The locals fish, swim and picnic at the pool and prehistorically there would have been a similar resource pull with the wild chokecherries, etc. This oasis in the steppe landscape creates a site density in the vicinity much higher than the surrounding plains. The other very interesting aspect of the site is the dichotomy in the rock art itself. Apparently the patina on the sandstone wall is much harder than the sandstone itself. As a result, the pecked art on a portion of the panel has eroded fairly extensively. The figures are recognizable, but they are deeply incised, seemingly because they have eroded deeper since they were produced. The obvious Late Prehistoric figure, holding a bow and arrow, has none of the erosion seen on the apparent earlier pecked figures. While there is no obvious chemical method of dating the various figures in the panel, stylistic variation can be chronologically assessed. Hall Ranch Site 5OT.1161 may include rock art that portrays communal hunting activities. On a fairly complex series of panels at the site the northern most Panel 1 (located right at the mouth of Sheep Canyon) there is an image that may depict a fence or net. There may be anthropomorphic figures incorporated in the fence, although caution is needed in this interpretation because the panel is heavily eroded. Panel 4 has a similar linear feature with quadrupeds in the foreground. This is highly suggestive that the small canyon may have been incorporated into a game trap. Contrasting the former panels, Panel 5 is much more suggestive of shaman trance-state depictions (see Clottes and Lewis-Williams 1998 and Lewis-Williams 2002), which is also a likely use/interpretation for 5OT.540. Pathfinder 5OT.540 was recorded in the nineties and a couple of articles have been published (see Lehrburger 2005, 2006) suggesting equinox alignments. There does appear to be a shadow alignment on the rock but caution need be taken when interpreting alignments with intentional record keeping of celestial cycles. There is not substantial evidence for sedentary or semi-sedentary horticulturalists inhabiting the area, although there is substantial evidence for visitation and trade by horticulturalists in neighboring areas. The somewhat cyclical movements of mobile hunter-gatherers are more varied than would facilitate construction and use of intricate solar calendars. An alignment certainly might indicate seasonality, but the correlation between solar calendars and agriculture is strong. 102 5LA.11801 is a very complex rock art site with many panels seemingly produced by varied cultural groups. The components vary from historic dates and shield bearing warriors to horned anthropomorphic figures. Some of the art is likely connected to groups from the Great Basin. Other art such as the shield bearing warriors are known throughout the High Plains, Great Plains, and Southern Plains and are thought to date to the Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric periods. While they have been found in the Great Basin, this is extremely rare (Francis and Loendorf 2002;132). This rock art is obviously multi-component, probably temporally diverse, and needs formal and thorough rock art recording that is beyond the scope of this project. Mr. Doherty shared some artifacts recovered from the area with the project archaeologist. One biface was of particular note. The artifact measures about 15x8x2 cm and is made from alibates (found only in Texas). The technology suggests an early Paleo-Indian timeframe, possibly Clovis. Discussion The project area includes three sections of the Great Plains province; the High Plains section, the Colorado Piedmont section, and the Raton section (Painter et al 1999). Faunal and vegetation distinctions are apparent between the sections, particularly the Raton. On a larger scale, this is the boundary area between the High Plains, the Great Plains, the Southern Plains, and the Great Southwest. Material culture differences often correspond to environmental variations and this can be noted, at least to some extent, in this study and in the broader archaeological context of the area. A possible exception to physiographic correlations of material culture is during the early and middle Paleo-Indian Period. The Rocky Mountains, Great Plains, the Southwest and the Great Basin have fairly homogenous material culture sequences during 9,000 BP to 12,000 BP timeframe as it is currently understood. Clovis and Folsom are found throughout this region and are generally followed by Agate Basin, Hell Gap and Alberta/Cody artifact types. Some variations should be noted such as Goshen Complex in the central High Plains and Plainview, a similar point with later radiocarbon dates, to the south (see Frison 1991). More variation is seen through time both within physiographic regions and across them and by the latter Paleo-Indian period some regional distinctions can be seen. Some artifacts types are still relatively widespread (i.e. the McKean projectile point type in the Middle Archaic) but in general the material cultures are regionally distinct. Hints of these distinctions could be seen in the artifact collections, although with the small sample seen by the project archaeologist, the distinctions are subtle. Some artifact types are distinct and reflect either movement of materials or people. A bi-beveled knife found near Kim, a very distinct technology, is typical of the Great Basin Late Prehistoric and very likely exemplifies movement of Great Basin folks (probably Ute). Bone and shell beads in local collections, while utilized by High Plains groups, are far more common among eastern Great Plains groups and likely reflect an eastern influence in the area. This is reinforced by projectile point types fitting Central Plains Tradition classifications (Washita, etc.). Material culture from the Pueblos is relatively common in the area and prehistoric trade between Plains groups and the Pueblos is well documented (see Habicht-Mauche 2000). This trade may have some antiquity. A Middle Archaic projectile point in one collection appeared to be made of material from the Chuska Mountains (Chuska Mountain chert or "Paleo Pink") along the New Mexico/Arizona border area and a highly desired material. Diagnostic artifacts definitely from the southern Plains could not be discerned from the collections, but the presence of alibates attests to the movement of materials from that direction. The rock art recorded in this portion of this project seems to parallel the artifact distribution discussed above. The sites need examination by a specialized rock art researcher, but initially they appear to reflect influence from the different regions and timeframes. The archaeology of southeastern Colorado is extremely complex. Much research has yet to be completed concerning the Late Prehistoric, particularly the Middle Ceramic Period (see Cassells 1983, Zier and Kalasz 1999). When considering the Sopris (Upper Purgatoire Complex), the Apishapa, the peoples represented by the Barnes Site (see Lindsey 2005, 2007) and other Central Plains Tradition peoples (i.e. Upper Republican, Panhandle Aspect, and Smokey Hills Phase) mixed in with more traditional High Plains peoples (Apache, Arapaho, etc.), Great Basin peoples coming over the hill and later newcomers such as the Cheyenne, southeastern Colorado presents a confusing puzzle to challenge archaeologists for generations. The dynamics on the Raton Mesa are different than on the Colorado Piedmont. This southern portion of the High Plains is culturally more diverse than more northern areas. There have been many archaeological investigation completed on the Pinon Canyon Maneuver Site. This work has not been adequately synthesized and work by different entities has created a situation where synthesizing may not be possible. Many of the sites have subsequently been destroyed by military activities. In some cases very limited samples have been accepted as representative of the archaeology of the area. Again, the archaeology of the area is extremely complex. A very large sample over a broad area is needed and that sample must be synthesized adequately if we are to ever succeed in compiling a comprehensive picture of the archaeology of southeastern Colorado. Research Questionsthe Purgatoire River Region and Analysis Cultural Resources Survey of 103 Miners Point Historical Archaeology The historical, non Native American occupation of southeastern Colorado spans the period from the 1600s to the present. Historical documentation indicates the presence of Spanish, French, and American exploration parties beginning in the late 1600s through the 1800s, and New Mexican Comanchero trading and cibolero hunting parties from the 1700s through the 1870s (Athearn 1985; Friedman 1985:63-74; Kenner 1969; Mehls and Carter 1984; Weber 1982). Additionally, although documentation exists for extensive Native American use of the area during the historic era, archaeologists have identified very few archaeological sites representing this use (Buckles and Buckles 1984:20, Carrillo 1985:77-111, Church 2002; Carrillo, et al 1997, 2003). Most of the sites recorded to date relate to the settlement and utilization of the project area by agriculturists, and only within a narrow range of decades spanning the turn of the twentieth century. Some of the remaining sites are related to transportation and attempts at increasing urbanization in the region (Hardesty, et al 1995; Church and Cowen 2005). General research objectives for the region include: � � � � � To locate and record sites that are unique or rare for the area, such as those dating before the 1860s and after the 1910s. To locate and record sites with good deposition and integrity that could possibly further our understanding of the chronology of the area. To identify sites that may further our understanding of population movements in southeastern Colorado, such as Spanish explorers, or French, Spanish, Mestizo, and Native American traders and hunters. that of To locate and record sites that may further our understanding of regional interactions such as that between Anglo-American, New Mexican, and Native American groups. To locate and record cultural landscape and resource utilization within the area. The scale of this survey provided us with the opportunity to look beyond the site-by-site recording and make some preliminary observations about larger-scale cultural landscapes including how people settled upon or moved across the terrain, their impacts upon it, and it upon them (e.g. Church 2002). Research Questions: Introduction In 1990, a historical context including a historical overview, research design, feature and site-type analysis, and an artifact analysis were undertaken for the Pi�on Canyon Maneuver Site (PCMS) in southeastern Colorado. The context summarized the results of surveys conducted during 1983, 1984, and 1987 (Carrillo 1990a, b; Carrillo and Kalasz 1990; Kempton and Carrillo 1990). The 1990 effort was the first concerted attempt to understand the historical archaeology of southeastern Colorado. Subsequent historical archaeology research has been undertaken by Church (2001), Clark (2003) and Church and Clark (2007), and an updated context was developed in 2003 (Carrillo et al. 2003). The following represents a synopsis of both the initial and subsequent study results and include updated information that was developed during the course of the present survey. A historical schematic has developed in an attempt to place the region's archaeological sites within a temporal framework. The historical framework encompasses the Spanish and Mexican periods in Colorado; however, because of the high occurrence and complexity of the majority of the sites found in southeastern Colorado representing the American period, a series of subperiods were developed using the historical framework that had been utilized by Buckles and Buckles (1984) (Carrillo 2007). SUBPERIOD I, 1848-1859 The earliest archivally documented settlement in the southern Colorado, Subperiod I begins with the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848. Settlement in the San Luis Valley began to occur soon after. Documented use of the Purgatoire River includes trade fairs by New Mexican at the mouth of the Purgatoire River around 1819. Sheep ranching and livestock raising in the Purgatoire River region also occurred. SUBPERIOD II, 1860-1890 Permanent settlement in the general Purgatoire Valley began in the 1860s during Subperiod II. Many of the initial settlers of southern Colorado were Hispanics from northern New Mexico, along with a minority of Anglo-Americans from the eastern, midwestern, and southern sections of the United States or northern European immigrants. They acquired their land under the provisions of the Homestead Act of 1862, although many squatters were also present. The early residents resided primarily along the Purgatoire River and its tributaries. Severe drought and blizzard conditions forced many of the early settlers out of the area in the mid- to-late 1880s (Carrillo 1990a, b; Carrillo et al. 1989; Carrillo et al. 2003; Carrillo 2007). The early settlements have only a few archivally documented sites dating to the early Subperiod II. Sites from this time are identified by the presence of a distinct artifact assemblage. This assemblage includes diagnostic firearm cartridges, initially rimfire in large calibers (.50 and .40 calibers), and after 1873, center fire cartridges in large calibers (e.g., .40 caliber); bottle glass (olive green, 104 SUBPERIOD III, 1891-1915 During Subperiod III large Anglo-American and European interests controlled and dominated the open range. Settlement was sparse, and as a result this subperiod is not well documented. The typical artifact assemblage generally resembles that of earlier subperiod sites with some stylistic differences. These include, but are not limited to, smaller caliber smokeless powder cartridges in the range of .30 caliber for rifles. The use of shotgun increases around the turn of the century. Although the shotgun was available, the pattern in southeastern Colorado reveals conservatism in their use because of their cost. Earlier black powder cartridges continue to be utilized at least into the 1930s and possibly the early 1940s, when production ceased at the beginning of World War II. Machine-cut nails were beginning to be replaced by wire nails and machine-soldered cans began to be replaced by sanitary tin cans in the early 1900s (Buckles and Buckles 1984:47-52; Carrillo 1990a, b; Carrillo et al. 1989:422; Carrillo et al. 1995; Carrillo et al. 2003; Carrillo 2007). SUBPERIOD IV, 1916-1930 The Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909 and the Stock Raising Act of 1916 marked the end of livestock raising on the open range as a wave of new homesteaders arrived and fenced the land. Faced with drought and economic depression in the 1930s, many of the homesteaders were forced off of their land, losing their property for back taxes or selling out to their more successful neighbors. The abandonment of these homesteads allowed the earlier established ranchers to acquire or lease larger tracts of land. However, some post-1910 homesteaders adapted to raising livestock and managed to acquire sizable land holdings. By 1930, the development of new settlement in the area was terminated with the establishment of the large family ranching operations (Carrillo 1990a, b; Carrillo et al. 2003; Carrillo 2007). The 1916-1930 Subperiod IV sites are the most numerous in southeastern Colorado. These sites contain considerable evidence of conspicuous consumption through greater quantities of material remains than the earlier sites. The sites can be identified by certain types of diagnostic artifacts comprising large quantities of bottle glass (amethyst, amber, clear, and blue); cartridges (smaller caliber [.30] and more manufacturers) and shotgun shells; primarily sanitary-type tin cans (milk cans continue to have a small lead seal on top); and the exclusive use of wire nails and more window glass in building construction. Architecturally, the sites may range from a single dugout depression to several elaborate stone foundation remains or ruins. An additional aspect that may point towards an ethnic variable is that during this period juniper and Ponderosa pine logs continue to be used for roofing as during the earlier periods, and the use of dimensioned lumber also occurs (Buckles and Buckles 1984:53-57; Carrillo 1990a, b; Carrillo et al. 1989:423; Carrillo et al. 2003; Carrillo 2007). DISCUSSION OF THE RESEARCH DOMAINS AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS The research domains are structured in terms of the following research objectives: 1. Investment in facilities 2. Explication of subsistence/economic-oriented issues 3. Explanation of patterns of settlement These objectives are based on existing historical data and are oriented to the major historical occupation periods and to the culturally diverse populations who settled in southeastern Colorado. The research questions outlined can be tested with ecological, architectural, and artifactual data for the major time periods and socio-cultural groups (Carrillo 1985:83-109; 1990a, b; Carrillo and Kalasz 1990; Kempton and Carrillo 1990). Both Church (2001; 2002), Clark (2003) and Church and Clark (2007) have outlined additional research realms that both expand the role of ethnicity and gender in the archaeological record of southeastern Colorado. 1. Investment in facilities: The remains of houses, barns, corrals, etc., are associated with the housing of individuals and associated ancillary structures that made up a homestead. The investment is represented by essentially architectural features (foundations) and artifacts [e.g., nails, window glass building hardware, and related items such as furniture or other items (personal/recreational)] whose association would reflect structures of varying functions (Carrillo 1985:83; Research Questionsthe Purgatoire River Region and Analysis Cultural Resources Survey of 105 amber, and lime green in the 1860s; aqua in the 1870s; amethyst in the 1880s. Both bottles and canning jars are present. Clear glass may be present throughout all of these periods, although in varying quantities. Hole-in-top hand soldered tin cans date to the 1860s and 1870s and machine soldered cans to the 1880s through early 1900s. Machine-cut nails would be from the early 1890s as would ceramics (both white and decorated earthenware, improved earthenware, and both earthenware and stoneware utilitarian wares) (Buckles and Buckles 1984:33; Carrillo 1990a, b; Carrillo et al. 1989:421; Carrillo et al. 2003). 1990a, b; Carrillo and Kalasz 1990; Carrillo et al. 2003; Kempton and Carrillo 1990; Carrillo 2007). 2. Subsistence/economic items: The subsistence system is perceived as comprising a repertoire of basic behavioral units related to specific functions (i.e., food procurement, food preparation, food storage, food consumption, and food remains). Each of the subsistence behaviors has the potential to leave some sort of trace in the archaeological record (Carrillo 1985:84; 1990a; Carrillo et al. 2003; Kempton and Carrillo 1990; Lewis 1977:183-187; Carrillo 2007). 3. Settlement patterns: Selection of areas for settlement varied according to different ecological areas within southeastern Colorado in which the sites, representing settlement, are situated (i.e., canyon bottoms and rims, steppes, and hills) (Carrillo 1985, 1990a, b; Carrillo et al. 2003; Carrillo 2007). In conjunction with each of the research domains, a series of testable research questions and archaeological test implications encompassing the temporal and ethnic makeup attributable to probable type sites are presented. These questions are based on the following demonstrable archaeological constructions, which the general model attempts to address. As previously indicated, the assumptions are outlined as follows: 1. The historic groups who settled the region of southeastern Colorado introduced two contrasting economic orientations, (subsistence and cash-based) resulting from two contrasting socio-cultural groups, Hispanic and Anglo-American (Carrillo 1985:81; 1990b; Carrillo et al. 2003; Church 2001;Weber 1980:53; Carrillo 2007). 2. The nineteenth-century Hispanic settlers were dependent upon a subsistence economy that had developed over a period of 250 years of frontier existence in northern New Mexico. This economy included a) access to all components of the resource base, b) a generalized use of the total environment, c) minimal or no occupational specialization, d) self-reliant local production for local consumption; and e) low level of technological development (Carrillo 1985:80; 1990b; Carrillo et al. 2003; Weber 1980:58; Carrillo 2007). 3. In contrast, the nineteenth-century Anglo-American settlers were oriented toward a cash economy directed toward production for exchange rather than production for use. A cash economy is basically oriented toward the conversion of goods and labor into cash, which in turn is exchanged for goods and services. This type of economy resulted in occupational differentiation and specialization through time. Volume production of a single item for export to the larger economy, occupational specialization, and wage labor are crucial elements of a cash-oriented economy (Carrillo 1990b; Carrillo et al. 2003; Carrillo 2007). 4. There is the demonstration of a socioeconomic shift by the Hispanic occupants from a subsistence economy of local production/ local consumption in the region to a cash, wage-labor, specialized production economy (Carrillo 1985:81; 1990b; Carrillo et al. 2003; Weber 1980:58; Carrillo 2007). The shift from local production/local consumption by the Hispanic occupants in the region to a cash, wage-labor, specialized production for external consumption can be evaluated against the archaeological record. These changes occurred over a period of years in New Mexico and spread to the outlying areas. This resembles the phenomenon referred to as the Doppler Effect (Deetz and Dethlefsen 1965, 1967), which entails the introduction of a concept (expressed archaeologically as material culture) to a specific area and the spread of the concept over time and space. There is a temporal lag from the time the idea is initially introduced until it eventually reaches its outermost limits of influence. By that time, a new concept may have replaced the original one at its starting point (Carrillo 1985:80; 1990b; Carrillo et al. 2003; Deetz and Dethlefsen 1965:196-206; Kempton and Carrillo 1990; Weber 1980:58). The test implications which are used to address the hypotheses consist of statements that identify the type, amounts or pattern of architectural and artifactual information needed to evaluate particular hypotheses. These are assumed to be temporally and spatially variable with regard to their socio-cultural orientation and to the extent and degree that they functioned within the systemic context (Binford 1972:221-222; Schiffer 1972:156-160; 1976; 1977:13-40; 1983:679). The functional classes of proposed artifacts, to accommodate the theoretical expectations were adapted, in part, from South (1977b; 1977c), Lewis (1977:185-187; 1984), and Carrillo (1985:77-111; 1990a; Carrillo et al. 2003; Carrillo 2007). The research design focuses on three major subperiods of historic occupation that are represented in southeastern Colorado. These generally occurred in the years 1860-1890, 1891-1910, and 1911-1930. The earlier occupation during the years 1786-1860 is also addressed. The research design is based on a model of settlement that emphasizes differences in economic practices between Hispanics and Anglo-Americans, the two principal ethnic groups present in the region. Archaeological expectations initially developed for sites in southeastern Colorado, but which have more universal applicability, are drawn from the model. Testable research hypotheses relating to subsistence, investment in facilities, and settlement are then developed on the basis of these expectations (Carrillo 1990a, b; Carrillo and Kalasz 1990; Carrillo et al. 2003; Kempton and Carrillo 1990; Carrillo 2007). Investment in Facilities Research Question 1: Hispanic, 1860-1890 106 Architectural styles, elements, and arrangements associated with traditional Hispanic settlement include, but are not limited to, dugouts (soterraos) used for shelter, root cellars (s�tano de ra�z), log cabins (fuertes), jacales (vertical log structures) or their remains; and square stone structures or foundations with probable corner fireplaces (fogones). The entryway will probably be located to the south or variations that may range between southeast to southwest. The structure may not contain windows, and if present, windows will be small openings. The stone masonry consists of slab, block, and rubble or a combination of each with mud mortar. Lintels, vigas and latillas will be unmodified and cut with an axe. Stone, log, jacal or adobe (with stone foundations) buildings are the most likely materials of construction. Other architectural features may include ramadas, modified rockshelters, and hornos (beehive ovens) or their remains. Other features on the site may include stone or brush corrals or a combination of both. However, outbuildings or their remains are infrequent (Carrillo 1985:85-88; Carrillo 2007). Arrangements of structures may be in a cluster, oriented around a plaza, or in a linear arrangement, oriented in a general southeast to southwest arc with similar facing doorways. These clusters or linear arrangements may incorporate stock pens or corrals (Buckles 1993b; Buckles et al. 1986; Carrillo 1985:85-86l; Carrillo and Kalasz 1990). Artifacts related to personal use may occur, but not in high frequencies. These items are believed to have been highly curated and become part of the archaeological record as a result of accidental loss or breakage (Lewis 1977:187; South 1977b:86; Carrillo 2007). These items, which may occur within and around architectural household remains, may include iron or silver crucifixes, rosary beads, religious medallions, jewelry, buttons manufactured of bone, horn, wood, and glass and bone combs (Carrillo 1985:86; Carrillo 2007). It is expected that these styles, elements and methods of construction will be dominant on habitation sites formed as a result of Hispanic activity during Subperiod II. Sufficient data should be available from the surface assemblages of recorded sites to compare the architecture with data pertaining to the ethnicity of those responsible for the site's formation. Examples of architectural styles, elements, and arrangements include, but are not limited to, square and rectangular (may be the result of additions) stone buildings and foundations utilizing various construction techniques. Construction techniques include slab (mud mortared), slab and block (mud mortared), slab block and rubble (mud mortared), and double-coursed with rubble filled center and mud mortar bond. Combinations of these techniques have been observed within sites throughout southeastern Colorado that include jacal (vertical log), fuerte (horizontal log) and adobe. Outbuildings may be present although few in number and will be represented by foundation remains or barns, sheds. Additional features may include wells, outhouse pits, stone/picket corrals, stone fences, dam and garden plots. Ethnicity may possibly be assigned to sites based on archival information, however Hispanic sites are problematic as the sites may have been settled and occupied without filing for official homestead status. The material culture of some sites indicates an earlier occupation date than the official homestead documents (Carrillo 2007). Research Question 2: Hispanic, 1891-1915 Structures and architectural remains identified as being the product of Hispanic activity during Subperiod III (1891-1915) should demonstrate styles, elements and arrangements associated with traditional Hispanic architecture and culture, and limited amounts of items associated with Anglo-American architecture and culture (Carrillo 1985:91-96, 2007). Structures and architectural remains associated with this subperiod will consist predominantly of stone structures, represented by foundations, with probable corner or wall fireplaces. Entryways will generally face south. Other architectural structure or their remains may include circular depressions (soterranos) with (jacal/vertical log superstructures), root cellars (s�tano de ra�z), stone foundations (adobe/vertical log superstructures), and rock shelters modified into structures, or their remains. Ponderosa pine and juniper logs are used for roof supports. Other associated features may include wells, stone/brush corrals, and garden plots/furrows. Artifacts in association with the structures will include both machine-cut and wire nails and window glass. Personal items that may be collected from the surface of these sites include glass buttons, pocket knives, and tobacco tins. It is expected that this group of attributes will predominate on habitation sites if Hispanic architecture and culture maintains the greatest influence on Hispanics in the southeastern Colorado region. Sufficient data should be available from the surface of systematically recorded sites to compare the structures and architectural remains with data pertaining to the ethnicity of those responsible Research Questionsthe Purgatoire River Region and Analysis Cultural Resources Survey of 107 This domain deals with the remains of houses and associated features representative of the housing of individuals and associated ancillary structures that made up a homestead. The activities involved in investment of facilities are represented by essentially architectural features (stone foundations and natural log roofs of Ponderosa pine and juniper logs) and limited quantities of artifacts. If present Euro-American manufactured artifacts may include limited quantities of bottle glass, square cut nails, window glass, building hardware, and related items such as furniture or other items (personal/ recreational) that would reflect structures of varying functions through their association (Carrillo 1985:85-88). The questions are oriented toward both survey and excavation results. Structure and architectural remains identified as being the product of Hispanic activity during Subperiod II (1860-1890) should demonstrate styles, elements, and arrangements associated with traditional Hispanic architecture and culture. for the site's formation (Carrillo 1985:91-93; Carrillo 2007). Ethnicity may possibly be assigned to sites based on archival information, however Hispanic sites are problematic as the sites may have been settled and occupied without filing for official homestead status. The material culture of some sites indicates an earlier occupation date than the official homestead documents (Carrillo 2007). Research Question 3: Hispanic, 1916-1930 During Subperiod IV (1916-1930), the Hispanic population in southeastern Colorado appears to have participated to a greater extent than before in the cash economy. Structures and architectural remains during this subperiod appear to have a greater diversity of styles, elements, and arrangements than during previous subperiods, perhaps as a result of participation in the cash economy (Carrillo 1985:97-100; Carrillo 2007). There is a greater diversity of styles, elements, and arrangements present during Subperiod IV, including stone structures or foundations with fireplaces or cast-iron stoves and greater use of frame structures of milled lumber (2" x 4") and (1" x 10" and 12") planks (although Ponderosa pine and juniper logs were still in use for roof supports). Additionally, structures with fireplaces or stoves, rock shelters modified into a structure with a fireplace, depressions (dugouts), jacal, and adobe structures are present. Sheds, privies, and stone, picket, or brush corrals are also present (Carrillo 1985:97-98, 2007). The assemblages from these sites should be similar to those of the earliest periods. However, wire nails, window glass, tobacco cans, glass buttons, metal buttons, glass rosary beads, plastic rosary beads, and plastic combs may be present. Sufficient data should be available from the surface assemblages of recorded sites to determine whether this pattern exists (Carrillo 1985:99-100, 2007). Research Question 4: Hispanic Sheepherders, 1870-1940 Hispanic sheepherders occupying southeastern Colorado during the time 1870�1940 participated in a specialized occupation that produced a highly visible site pattern (Carrillo 1985:100-103; 2007). The habitation structures will be marginal and will consist of 1) modified rock shelters, 2) semicircular or square stone structures built against sheer cliff walls or extending from shallow rock shelters, 3) marginal structures incorporating tin, milled lumber, and juniper trees, and 4) small semicircular stone structures (possible windbreaks). The associated features will consist of corrals made of 1) modified rock shelters, 2) stone (square, irregular; used in conjunction with juniper brush), 3) juniper brush (used in conjunction with stone and sheer cliffs), and 4) round fencing wire incorporating juniper trees (Carrillo 1985:100-101, 2007). In addition, rock art will be associated and can be expected to consist of 1) names, 2) dates, 3) religious phrases or graphics, and 4) vulgar phrases or graphics (Carrillo 1985:102-103; 2007). Data from both survey and testing is needed to establish the age and function of sites believed to be attributable to Hispanic sheepherder occupation during this period. Based on previous work describing the archaeological manifestation of sheepherder's camps (Kornfeld 1983) some pattern is thought to be present (Kornfeld 1983:51-62). Research Question 5: Anglo-American, 1860-1890 The sites resulting from Anglo-American activity during Subperiod II (1860-1890) will include evidence of extensive ranching activities in terms of architecture and ranching-related features that contrast sharply with the contemporary Hispanic sites. These will include households, barns, sheds, and corrals (Carrillo 1985:88-91; 1990a, 2007). Artifactually, the archaeological record will reveal evidence of participation in a cash economy by the representation of selected artifacts of Anglo-American origin that occur in greater quantities and types than on the Hispanic sites, but not in as great quantities as the later Anglo-American-occupied sites (Buckles and Buckles 1984:37-46; Lichty and McNamara 1984; Weber 1980:52; Carrillo 2007). Expected architectural manifestations in terms of households are square and rectangular buildings or foundations utilizing various wall construction techniques including double-coursed with rubble-filled center and mud mortar bond. More complex shapes may be the result of additions. Walls are constructed of one (or a combination of) several types: slab (mud mortared); slab and block (mud mortared); and slab, block and rubble (mud mortared). Additionally, jacal, adobe, and log cabin structures, or their remains, may occur. Entry ways may face different cardinal directions. Milled lumber (whipsawed) may occur (Carrillo 1985:88-89, 2007; Carrillo and Kalasz 1990). The associated architectural features may include 1) exterior fireplace (may represent a summer kitchen), 2) foundation remains of barns and sheds (possibly adobe or log superstructures, and 3) outhouse pits. Additional features may include 1) wells, 2) stone/picket corrals 3) stone fences, and 4) dams. The architecturally related artifacts will consist mainly of moderate amounts of cut nails and window glass (Carrillo 1985:89; 1990a, 2007; Carrillo and Kalasz 1990). The artifacts related to personal use will consist of 1) coins, 2) pocket knives, 3) eyeglasses, 4) jewelry, and 5) buttons manufactured of mother-of-pearl, brass, celluloid, horn, pewter, porcelain, hard rubber, shell, wood, and glass. Footwear will consist of standard shoe sizes, rubber heels, few rubber caps on predominantly leather heels, and various methods of construction: nailing, stitching, or construction by means of machine-inserted brass screw wire (Carrillo et al. 1989:422). The artifacts associated with recreation 108 Miscellaneous artifacts representing architectural, ranching, and other various functions expected to occur are: 1) kerosene lamps and lanterns (generators and chimney glass), 2) commercially manufactured architectural items (hinges, locks, doorknobs, etc.), 3) medicine bottles, 4) barbed wire (specific styles), 5) celluloid items, and 6) vulcanized rubber items (Buckles and Buckles 1984:37-46; Carrillo 1985:90-91, 2007; Carrillo et al. 1989:422). Ethnicity can also be assigned to sites based on archival information. Research Question 6: Anglo-American, 1891-1915 The sites from Subperiod III (1891-1915) are considered to be transitional. These sites contain attributes from both the early and later subperiods. The prime architectural criterion for their placement as transitional sites consists of the occurrence of both machine-cut and wire nails (Buckles and Buckles 1984:49; Carrillo 1985:97; 1990b, 2007). The architecturally related items relative to this hypothesis are similar to the preceding subperiod with the following exceptions: 1) circular sawn lumber and the widespread use of manufactured, milled, and uniform construction materials, 2) machine-cut nails still present at beginning of subperiod, 3) introduction of wire nails and their gradual increase over the span of the subperiod (Buckles and Buckles 1984:49; Carrillo 2007), 4) none or few outbuildings during the early part of the subperiod, and 5) barns and sheds in the later subperiod sites. Personal and recreational items are expected to be similar to those of the previous subperiod and will include stemless clay pipes. (Carrillo 1985:97, 2007; Carrillo et al. 1989:423; Sears 1969, 1970, 1976, 1979). Research Question 7: Anglo-American, 1916-1930 The sites addressed with this hypothesis are the most numerous in the region and are attributable to the post-World War I and pre- Depression era, Subperiod IV (1916-1930). These sites vary considerably from their earlier counterparts basically because they represent a different adaptation to the region � that of dryland farming. These sites were oriented toward the national economy but only for a relatively short time span as they were maladapted to the region, and the interplay of environmental and economic factors quickly lead to their demise. The most distinguishing features that pertain to these sites consist of the occurrence of several architectural remains and considerable quantities of artifacts, both architectural and others that were not encountered on the earlier period sites (Carrillo 1985:103-107; 1990a, 2007). The architectural manifestations should consist of: 1) stone structures or foundations (slab, block with mud mortar and concrete), 2) frame structures or foundations (two-by-four frame with vertical one-by-twelve siding), 3) adobe structures or foundations, and 4) dugouts (circular depressions). The associated household-related architectural features can consist of 1) root cellars (in most cases representing recycled dugouts), 2) concrete-lined cisterns (many located at corner of structure and tied to simple and elaborate roof gutter systems to capture rainwater), and 3) outhouse pits. Associated outbuildings will consist of stone or adobe barns and sheds. In some instances, railroad tie buildings may occur (Buckles and Buckles 1984). Associated fences and corrals may be post and barbed wire, juniper log or combinations. Additionally, railroad ties were used in the construction of fences or corrals (Buckles and Buckles 1984:54-55; Carrillo 2007). The major improvements on these sites will consist of earthen dams and ponds and windmills. The architecturally related artifacts will consist of: 1) wire nails (assorted sizes), milled lumber in assorted sizes, 2) window glass, and 3) building hardware (door locks, hinges, etc.), tin roofing, etc (Carrillo 1985:103-105; 2007). The personal items associated with the households from this period will include: 1) pocket watches,2) pocket knives, 3) eye glasses, 4) coins, 5) jewelry, 6) belt buckles, 7) mirrors, 8) perfume bottles, 9) cold cream jars, 10) combs, and 11) clothing (e.g., a. snap, b. eyelets, c. zippers, d. hooks, and e. buttons � agate, bakelite, brass, celluloid, plastic, porcelain, mother-of-pearl, and iron overall buttons). The footwear will consist of cemented shoes, in addition to shoes made using the manufacturing techniques previously stated for the above hypotheses. The recreation-associated items will consist of: 1) hinged tobacco cans, 2) liquor bottles, 3) toys and games (tin and other metals, porcelain dolls), 4) musical items (harmonica), and 5) assorted wooden pipes with plastic stems. Miscellaneous artifacts associated with this time might include the following household items: 1) alarm clocks, 2) clothes irons, 3) lighting devices (oil lamps, lanterns, electric items, e.g., 1930s-1940s generatoroperated), 4) hand tools (hammer, pliers, etc.), 5) furniture (bedsprings, drawer pull, etc.), 6) medicine bottles, 7) ink bottles, 8) other bottles (cleansers, poison, etc.), and 9) other cans � paint, kerosene, gasoline, oil, and antifreeze (Buckles and Buckles 1984:54-55; Carrillo 1985:105-107; 1990a, 2007; Carrillo et al. 1989:424). Subsistence/Economic Activities This research domain is critical for two reasons: 1. It can be a sensitive indicator of change brought on environmental and cultural factors. When viewed from an historical perspective, the changes become quite evident, especially as they relate to the sites associated with the Hispanic groups. Research Questionsthe Purgatoire River Region and Analysis Cultural Resources Survey of 109 activities may consist of 1) clay tobacco pipes (rare), 2) liquor bottles, 3) games and toys (e.g., clay marbles), and 4) musical items such as harmonicas (Buckles and Buckles 1984:37-46; Carrillo 1985:90-91, 2007). 2. These sites provide evidence of a number of culture changes through time. These include a gradual adaptation from a solely subsistence-oriented economy to a dependence on access to all components of the resource base. Then moving from a generalized use of the total environment with minimal or no occupational specialization, being self-reliant on local production for local consumption, and having a low level of technology to then reaching the level of selective participation in the larger cash, wagelabor, and specialized production economy, which had been introduced by the Anglo-Americans (Weber 1980; Carrillo 2007). Research Question 1: Hispanic Subsistence, 1860-1890 The important variable, found in association with the architectural structural remains discussed in the preceding research domains, is the virtual absence of associated Anglo-American artifacts. Artifacts expected are minimal amounts of bottle glass (possibly modified), hole-in-top tin cans (Buckles and Buckles 1984:35, 42), and cartridges (Carrillo 1985:86; 1990a, 1990b, 2007; Carrillo et al. 1989:422; Carrillo et al. 2003). The artifacts relating to Hispanic New Mexican subsistence activities are outlined in Appendix G, Table 1. Research Question 2: Hispanic Subsistence, 1891-1915 The important variable, in conjunction with the architectural features discussed in the preceding research domains, is the continued increase in selective Euro-American goods, although not the total range that would be found on Anglo-American sites for this subperiod. Traditional items would still be in use (Carrillo 1985:91-96). Table 2 in Appendix G lists artifacts, features, and floral and faunal remains indicative of Hispanic subsistence activity in the Subperiod III (1891-1915). The assemblages from these sites should be compared with the assemblages from Hispanic sites dating to the preceding subperiod. Research Question 3: Hispanic Subsistence, 1916-1930 The subsistence variable relative to the sites representing this group and subperiod, in conjunction with the architectural features discussed in the preceding research domains, consists of the examination of the idea that most Hispanics were employed by the large Anglo-American ranches and, therefore, submerged into the cash economy on a much larger scale than in the previous time periods. Some traditional items still can be found. The result of their participation in the cash economy should be evidenced archaeologically in the presence of a larger number of consumer items than in the previous periods. These items should increase in frequency through time (Carrillo 1985:97-100). Table 3 in Appendix G lists artifacts, features, and floral and faunal remains indicative of Hispanic subsistence activity in Subperiod IV (1916-1930). Research Question 4: Hispanic Sheepherder Subsistence, 1870-1940s The sites attributable to this question will contain minimal amounts of subsistence artifacts. The earlier sites will contain artifacts similar to those outlined in Research Questions 1 and 2, while the later sites will contain, in addition to lithics and groundstone, light scatters of Euro-American artifacts, in particular worked bottle glass and tin cans (Carrillo 1985:100-102; 2007) (see Tables 1 and 2, and Table 4). Research Question 5: Anglo-American Subsistence, 1860-1890 The archaeological record will reveal evidence of participation in a cash economy through selected artifacts of Euro-American import, items which occur in greater quantities and types than on the contemporary Hispanic sites, but not as great as the later AngloAmerican occupied sites (Carrillo 1985:88-91; Weber 1980:52). Table 1, above, lists artifacts, features, and floral and faunal remains indicative of Anglo-American subsistence activity in Subperiod II 1860-1890. Subsistence-related artifacts are expected to be present in assemblages obtained through controlled surface collection and testing. It is proposed that the assemblages from these sites be compared with the assemblages from Hispanic sites with similar temporal periods to determine whether the frequencies of Euro-American artifacts are greater on the Anglo-American sites. A successful attempt was undertaken by Church (2001) with a study of two archivally documented historic sites represented by an Anglo-American and a Hispanic homestead (Carrillo 2007). Research Question 6: Anglo-American Subsistence, 1891-1915 The sites associated with this hypothesis continue to reveal an increase in the quantities and types of Euro-American artifacts. Artifact types representing the material remains of assigned stages that represent components of the subsistence group are expected to be present in assemblages obtained through controlled surface collection and testing (Carrillo 1985:97). Table 5 in Appendix G, lists artifacts, features, and floral and faunal remains indicative of Anglo-American subsistence activity in the subperiod 1891-1915. As with the previous subperiod, the assemblages from these sites can be compared with the assemblages from Hispanic sites of this subperiod to determine whether differences exist or whether comparable increases are occurring in both groups (Carrillo 2007). 110 The distinguishing feature concerning the sites representing this group and subperiod generally consist of the extensive occupations in terms of architectural remains and considerable quantities of artifacts, in particular subsistence-related artifacts, not encountered with the earlier sites. Table 6 in Appendix G lists artifacts, features, and floral and faunal remains indicative of Anglo-American subsistence activity in the Subperiod III (1916-1930). The artifacts are expected to be present in assemblages obtained from controlled surface collections and testing from sites of this subperiod. These sites can be compared with sites from the previous period to determine if the increase in size and density is perceived or real (Carrillo 2007). Settlement This research domain is oriented toward addressing the diverse settlement patterns established by the historic groups who occupied the Purgatoire River valley region. The domain is structured in terms of a series of research questions that address the historic settlement both in terms of temporal and socio-cultural diversity. These hypotheses are derived from archival data and impressionistic observations. It is expected that most of the locational information will be available through survey. However, information about the age and function of sites may have to be obtained by undertaking subsurface testing (Carrillo 1985:77-111). Research Question 1: Hispanic Site Locations, 1860-1890 For the period 1860-1890, the average homesteader was 1) Hispanic, 2) raised sheep, but generally had a subsistence-level orientation, and 3) probably settled with relatives or people with similar backgrounds to his own (Carrillo 1990b; 2007). Purgatoire River Hispanic colonists really were subsistence gardeners who depended on mutton for meat and marketed some raw wool and woven textiles for cash with which to purchase tools, salt, and a few other items. Wartime demand for wool had stimulated expansion of sheep raising. Entire extended families migrated as units into this southern Colorado area. (Stoffle et al. 1984:103) Site locations attributable to this group, based on historical data and previous observations will occur primarily in areas comprising the Purgatoire Valley or the tributary side canyons and their tributaries, on the wide valley bottoms or on benches overlooking the canyon bottom (Carrillo 1985:88; 1990a). Research Question 2: Hispanic Site Locations, 1891-1915 The sites representative of this time period are rare and serve to substantiate the fact that no major occupations occurred during this time period. Sites representing occupation in this time period should not occur in extensive quantities. The site locations will be situated along the side drainages of the major arroyos (Carrillo 1985:95; 1990a, 2007). Research Question 3: Hispanic Site Locations, 1916-1930 Based on archival research, approximately 10 percent of the post-1910 homesteads were Hispanic. These people tended to be laborers who were employed as herders or cowboys for the large Anglo ranches. They would often prove up their 320 acre claims and then sell them to the ranchers for whom they worked (Carrillo 1990b). The site locations attributable to this group should be minimal, and the locations of these sites will be restricted to the major arroyos and their tributaries (Carrillo 1985:100; 1990a, 2007). Research Question 4: Hispanic Sheepherder Encampment Locations, 1870-1940 This research question is presented in conjunction with Research Questions 1 through 3 above in that the groups addressed were probably the major participants in this activity. Sheep ranching was a major economic activity throughout the historic occupation of the Purgatoire River valley. There are indications at Boggsville Historic site that the Purgatoire River was being used for summer sheep pasture in the 1840s and 1850s (Carrillo et al. 1997) and the entire extent of the Purgatoire was being utilized by the 1860s (Carrillo et al. 1997, 2007; Friedman 1985:176-177). The majority of the sites appear to date between about 1900 and 1940, based on field observations. Earlier sites are thought to be represented, although they are not readily evident. Tentatively, the earlier sites do appear to be different and exhibit a lack of Euro-American material culture. There is a suspected correlation between the earlier sheepherding sites and lithic material and groundstone (Campbell 1969). On the later sites, groundstone and lithics have been found along with light scatters of Euro-American material culture. A further argument for the use of lithic tools by Hispanic sheepherders is the observation of possible utilization and modification of glass fragments by retouch methods on these sites and on Hispanic homesteads encompassing the total settlement period. Both Church (2001) and Clark (2003) discuss the alternative use of bottle glass. The 1900 census data also indicate that all 46 adult men occupied as sheepherders were Hispanic with New Mexican origins Research Questionsthe Purgatoire River Region and Analysis Cultural Resources Survey of 111 Research Question 7: Anglo-American Subsistence, 1916-1930 (Carrillo 1990b; Friedman 1985:107). The locations of these sites should coincide, in many instances, with those used by prehistoric peoples, as for example, rock shelters, steppes, and hills (Carrillo 1985:100-103). Research Question 5: Anglo-American Site Locations, 1860-1890 This hypothesis relates to the early Anglo-American homesteads. It is postulated that as a result of a different socio-cultural orientation, the social, economic, and ecological aspects as they relate to this group will be reflected differently than the Hispanic homesteads in terms of the archaeological record. According to Friedman (1985:396-397) the sites relating to this time period should be fewer in number but larger, with more extensive temporal occupation; should be associated with cattle, horse, and sheep ranching; and should be oriented toward the national economy (Carrillo 1985:91; 1990a; 2007). The majority of the homesteads attributable to this time period should occur in the northern portion in the tributary canyons of the Purgatoire River (Carrillo 1990a; Friedman 1985:397). Research Question 6: Anglo-American Site Locations, 1891-1915 This hypothesis relates to the Anglo-American homesteads that were established during the period between c. 1891 and 1915. During this period, the settlement that occurred was not as extensive as the preceding and following periods and occurred generally in two periods: around 1895 and againaround 1910 (Friedman 1985:318-337). This period is not well documented historically; it was one during which the earlier established open-range ranches expanded and consolidated their control of the region. These sites are considered to be quite important for two reasons: 1) the sites are not extensively documented in the literature, and 2) the sites represent transitional units between the two main settlement periods. As a result, the sites can contribute to an understanding of the settlement of the area as a whole (Carrillo 1985:97; 1990a, 2007). The sites related to this period can be identified on the basis of the earlier settlements and those that occurred toward the last part of the period. The earlier sites in many respects resemble those of the early period but with some stylistic changes. The c. 1910 sites have not been examined in great detail, but appear to resemble the c. 1916-1930 sites to a certain extent, i.e., exhibit a more extensive utilization of Euro-American material culture. The sites are expected to be located primarily along major arroyos and variability of location may be expected between the earlier and later sites from this subperiod (Carrillo 1985:97; 1990a). Research Question 7: Anglo-American Site Locations, 1916-1930 Although the Purgatoire River valley was used by the large cattle and sheep ranches the greater part of the area was not occupied as late as 1910. As late as 1915, most of the land owned was along the major water sources, such as the Purgatoire River and tributary canyons and arroyos. The area of the Mountain Branch of the Santa Fe Trail was still unoccupied (Carrillo 1990b, 2007). After 1910, thousands of settlers began to move west, establishing homesteads throughout the Plains, including southeastern Colorado. This influx was due to the Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909, which granted 320 acres. Extensive promotions by the railroads also encouraged this migration. A few wet years, improved techniques for dryland farming, and climbing agricultural prices enabled the new settlers to enjoy a brief period of success (Carrillo 1990b, 2007). In 1909, the Model Land and Irrigation Company began construction of an irrigation system, as well as the new town, Model, near the railroad stop known as Poso. Model was platted in 1913, and by 1919 irrigated farmland was being promoted for sale to prospective settlers. Along with Model, several other communities that had been built along the railroad after 1878, including Simpson, Early, Tyrone, Thatcher, and Delhi, began to thrive because they provided essential services to the homesteaders and ranchers. Model contained two stores; there were also stores in Simpson, Thatcher, and Delhi (Carrillo 1990b, 2007). Historical and archaeological records provide tangible evidence of this population increase. Friedman (1985:122), using General Land Office (GLO) survey plats dating from 1869, 1881, 1921, and 1942 for 18 townships in Las Animas County, identified a total of 22 historic sites recorded between 1869 and 1881. On the other hand, for the period between 1921 and 1942, he found evidence of 38 historic sites located in five townships. This clearly indicates that this later period of settlement was considerably more extensive than the earlier pre-1881 homesteading period. A similar pattern was noted during the present study. By 1925, the weather patterns had begun to change, and a dry period occurred in the region. It was about this time that people began to move out of southeastern Colorado. Many of these individuals abandoned their homesteads or sold out to the established ranchers in the area. A few ranchers were able to survive the drought and the Depression by making the transition to primarily sheep ranching. By the late 1940s and early 1950s, most had switched back to cattle raising because of a shortage of Hispanic sheepherders. Many older Hispanics were able to retire, and the younger individuals left the area either because of World War II or to take better paying industrial jobs (Carrillo 1990b; Weber 1980:62-63, 2007). By far the largest number of sites in southeastern Colorado should be related to the post-1910 homestead boom. The majority of the site locations are expected to be located in the steppes and flats along arroyos and their side drainages (Carrillo 1985:107; 1990b, 112 Conclusion An attempt has been made to provide an example of a regional and temporal approach utilized to understand the complex historic occupation of a portion of the Purgatoire River valley. The approach involves a temporal framework with major subperiods of historic occupation of the southeastern Colorado initially developed in conjunction with archaeological investigations completed on the Pinon Canyon Maneuver Site and represents a microcosm of the settlement of southeastern Colorado. These subperiods are organized in a series of stages for the years 1860�1890, 1891�1915, and 1916�1930, and to a lesser extent, an earlier occupation during the years 1786�1860. It is based on a model of settlement that emphasizes differences in economic practices between Hispanics and Anglo-Americans, the two principal Euro-American ethnic groups present in the region. Archaeological expectations for sites in the southeastern Colorado are drawn from the model for the present study. Research questions relating to subsistence, investment in facilities, and settlement were then developed on the basis of these expectations. The impetus for this survey project is the fact that, in the eyes of preservation professionals including those at Colorado Preservation, Inc. and the National Trust for Historic Places, this area is one of the state's, and indeed the nation's, most endangered places. The present survey was conducted almost entirely on private lands that, until now, have not been available to archaeological and architectural cultural resource professionals. However, they have also not been subjected to the inevitable wear and tear of public access and military training exercises, so the potential for a rich data set is strong. In almost all cases, ranchers have done an excellent job of preserving the cultural resources on their lands. Though some avocational collecting has occurred, ranchers allowed the archaeologists to assess their collections. The public nature of state and federal lands, where the majority of archaeological research has occurred in this area, has lead inevitably to diminished site integrity, impacted by day hikers or military maneuvers. The integrity of the majority of the sites on the private ranch lands are in very good shape, and therefore, with the help of the landowners, we were in a position to record sites on these lands that are disappearing or damaged in other contexts. We hope that the relationship that was built with the landowners of southeastern Colorado will be productive in the longer run as well, for both cultural resource professionals and for the ranchers. Some of the families in this area have been working on the land for generations, and like many Native American groups, they feel a strong sense of heritage there. The professional codes of ethics of virtually all archaeological professional organizations mandate that we respect the values and heritage of the descendants of the occupants of the sites we record. In this case, those groups include several Native American groups, but also the descendants of Hispanic, Anglo-American, European-American, and African-American settlers documented for this area. Given the threats to the area that have lead to its designation as endangered place we feel one of the strongest cases for protection can be made for these areas based on designation as heritage landscapes or traditional cultural properties. Such designations can be win-win for both preservationists and landowners. In such cases, the law provides that sites cannot be mitigated (excavated entirely to make way for development or alternative use), nor can descendant groups be denied access to them. At the same time, descendants living there are free to continue to modify structures or make other changes they need to in order to provide for themselves and their families, and to continue their way of life. These areas can be simultaneously designated historic landscapes and also contemporary working landscapes. We hope that this survey project lays the groundwork for both preservationists and ranchers to save both landscapes and lifeways. Architecture With very limited architectural focused survey work previously conducted within the project area (and none on the private ranch lands that composed the majority of the survey area), the primary focus of the architectural survey at the start of the project was simply to see what was out there. Instead of completing a research design at the beginning of the project, questions were identified during the reconnaissance-level survey, which were then further investigated during the intensivelevel survey. The reconnaissance-level survey included sites on private lands as well as a windshield survey along regional highways and within the communities of Kim, Branson, Hoehne, and Timpas. Of the 376 sites surveyed for architecture, 321 involved entering private lands with landowner permission while 55 sites were surveyed from the road. The vast majority of the sites surveyed were homestead complexes, so the history of homesteading in the region was the focus of the architectural research questions. Most of the other resources surveyed are also related to the homesteading movement including transportation networks used by the homesteaders, schools attended by the children of homesteaders, and commercial businesses serving homesteaders. The following questions developed during the course of the project. All need further exploration. They are presented as Research Questionsthe Purgatoire River Region and Analysis Cultural Resources Survey of 113 2007). starting points for additional study of the region's architecture. How can the rural historic landscape characteristics established by the National Register be applied to the region? Are there potential rural historic landscape districts in the survey area? When the survey began, the initial focus was recording the components of the homestead complex. But it soon became evident that the homestead complex was intrinsically intertwined with the surrounding landscape. We began to ask some of the following questions: How did homesteaders shape their landscape? How did they adapt their lives to fit the landscape? What can the landscape tell us about their agricultural practices, way of life, and cultural heritage? Though the scope of this project was limited to evaluating the homestead complex, we began to look at the relationship between the homestead and the surrounding landscape and consider the potential for designating a rural historic landscape in the future. What characteristics are essential to characterizing a rural historic landscape in the Purgatoire River Region? What might be included? How much land should be included? The National Register defines a rural historic landscape as "a geographical area that historically has been used by people, or shaped or modified by human activity, occupancy, or intervention, and that possesses a significant concentration, linkage, or continuity of areas of land use, vegetation, buildings and structures, roads and waterways, and natural features." Eleven landscape characteristics have been developed to examine the evidence of human activity on the land: � � � � � � � � � � � Land uses and activities Patterns of spatial organization Response to the Natural Environment Cultural Traditions Circulation networks Boundary demarcations Vegetation related to land use Buildings, structures, and objects Clusters Archaeological sites Small-scale elements Land uses and activities: In the survey region cattle ranching, sheep raising and farming have all shaped the landscape. The region's short grass prairie has long been valued as prime grazing land. The ranching heritage can be seen in corrals and pasture systems as well as the many cattle that still graze the land today. Though sheep no longer graze in the region, the region's sheep heritage can be seen in the sheep pens and sheep herder camps scattered throughout the region. Farming has also mostly disappeared from the region (with the exception of some irrigated areas around Higbee and Hoehne) but its traces remain in vegetation patterns, abandoned irrigation systems, and garden terraces. The region's land uses have been shaped by a wide range of factors, including: � � � � � � � the semi-arid climate the availability of water access to railroad shipping points the federal government's homesteading policies the Taylor Grazing Act and managed grazing on federal lands agricultural practices brought to the region by settlers from New Mexico topography of canyons, arroyos, and rock outcropping 114 Patterns of spatial organization: In the project area, this ranges from region-wide settlement patterns to the construction of individual homestead complexes. Initial settlement under the Mexican land grant system followed a very different pattern than later settlement under U.S. homestead laws. The Mexican land grant system offered large parcels of land that were intended not just for the settlement of a single family but for fostering the development of communities engaged in communal agricultural. U.S. homestead law offered smaller parcels of land to individuals. Additionally, Mexican land grant boundaries followed geographic features while the U.S. system followed the Public Land Survey System which imposed a uniform grid system across the West. This grid system created rectangular homestead parcels of 160, 320, or 640 acres (as well as a road system that still follows the grid in many areas). While this may have made the job of the General Land Office easier, these rectangular parcels paid no heed to landscape features and thus were often not best suited to the agricultural development of the land. However, the landscape still played a role in determining which land was acquired first, with land along the Purgatoire River settled earlier. Response to the natural environment: The decisions that individual homesteaders made when constructing their homesteads were shaped by their environment. Homesteaders generally located their homesteads in sheltered locations whenever possible. In many areas, this has created a pattern of homesteaders placing their dwellings within canyons, while using the lands above for grazing. Homesteaders built near springs whenever possible. They also looked for ways to incorporate natural features such as rock outcroppings into the homestead complex, saving labor. They also used locally available materials-- sandstone, dirt for adobe, pinon, and juniper--in the construction of their homestead buildings and structures. The natural environment would also play a role in determining which homesteaders were successful. The landscape was much better suited to those using it for grazing than those trying to farm. Cultural traditions: Homesteaders brought cultural traditions with them from their birthplaces. The introduction and combination of these cultural traditions into the Purgatoire River Region influenced the development of its communities, agriculture, and built environment. The strongest cultural influence can be seen in the New Mexican traditions brought to the region. These include the Catholic faith and Penitente Brotherhood; characteristic features of New Mexican architecture such as flat roofs composed of vigas and latias; and agricultural practices like the introduction of churro sheep. However, other cultural traditions are evident as well such as the predominant use of logs in the construction of a German homestead. Circulation networks: The development of the region has been shaped by its transportation networks. Highway 350, the primary route through the region, follows roughly the same path taken by the AT&SF railway and before that the Santa Fe Trail. This route has been the focus of the region's commerce. This route connects La Junta and Trinidad, the two major commercial centers on which residents of the region depend. Historically, this is the route along which many of the region's communities, including Timpas, Thatcher, and Bloom, have been established. These communities were economic and social hubs, serving as a shipping point for cattle, location to catch up on news, and a place to purchase manufactured goods. But as faster, more reliable automobiles and better roads have been developed, many smaller communities have gradually been abandoned for larger regional hubs. Two other primary roads cut through the region: Highway 109 to the east and Highway 160 to the south. These three routes form a rough triangle. These highways move traffic through the region and connect its residents to the region beyond. But little of the region's heritage or current economy is visible from these roadways. Beyond the highways, circulation with the region depends on unpaved county and ranch roads. Most ranch headquarters are located off this network of county roads. To find most of the historic homesteads requires leaving the public roads and entering the network of privately maintained two-track roads that criss-cross the region's ranches. Boundary demarcations: The presence or absence of boundaries has shaped the agricultural economy of the region. During the 19th century open range cattle and sheep grazing operations depended on the fact that there were no fences to block their livestock's access to grazing lands. However, as land passed from the public domain into private ownership, fences were erected to demarcate land ownership. Many of the new arrivals were focused on farming rather than livestock. For those who wanted to raise cattle or sheep, they needed to own (or be able to lease) enough land to maintain their livestock. This limited the size of herds. As many of the homesteaders left the region and sold out to their neighbors, large livestock operations came to dominate the region again. However, these operations depend on carefully managed grazing, moving their cattle through a series of fenced pastures. Many of the pastures are named after the settlers who originally homesteaded them. Vegetation related to land use: Patterns of land use can also be seen in the region's vegetation. Areas that have been heavily grazed and disturbed, such as corrals, will have a different pattern of vegetation than the surrounding landscape. Thickets of cholla cactus are often found in areas that have been over grazed. Introduced species, such as fruit trees, can be found struggling to survive at the site of former homesteads. Buildings, structures, and objects: The construction of the region's homesteads reflects their function as well as the materials Research Questionsthe Purgatoire River Region and Analysis Cultural Resources Survey of 115 � cycles of drought available and the customs and skills of the people who built them. A typical homestead began with the construction of a dugout or jacal, buildings which could be constructed quickly, providing shelter while more permanent facilities could be built. Corrals, outhouses and wells or cisterns were also essential elements. As a homestead developed the dugout was often either incorporated into a larger above-ground house or converted to a cellar. Other common features include loafing sheds, small barns, and chicken houses. Many homesteads also appear to have included multiple dwellings, indicating use by an extended family group. The surveyed homesteads demonstrated clear similarities in scale, design, layout, construction methods, and building materials across the region's homesteads. Clusters: The key clusters within the region are the historic homestead complexes and the contemporary ranch headquarters complexes. There are some clusters which started as homesteads and have evolved into ranch headquarters. There are many more abandoned homesteads dotted across the landscape. Comparing the large numbers of homestead complexes to the much smaller number of modern ranch headquarters provides a visual representation of change in the region's demographics and agricultural economy. Sharing common functions, the contemporary ranch headquarters and historic homestead complexes often share common features. A dwelling, a corral, and a loafing shed remain key features. The placement of the buildings within the landscape also remains important both to the management of the ranch as well as to the comfort of those using the buildings. Archaeological sites: The numerous archaeological sites (homesteads as well as earlier Native American and prehistoric sites) can provide valuable information about the ways the land has been used over time including patterns of settlement, utilization of natural resources, and agricultural practices. Small-scale elements: Though small, these elements add to the historic setting of a landscape and can become an important part of its character. Some of the region's distinctive small scale elements include directional signage for ranch headquarters, windmills and water tanks, and remnants of abandoned fence lines. Beyond future National Register nominations, the significance of the area as a large cultural landscape was also considered as a means of conveying the importance of the region as a whole both to the historic preservation community and to the wider public. How can heritage tourists be taught to "read" the region's landscape, to understand how changes impact the region, and to become stewards of our cultural landscape heritage? What can architectural historians learn from sites that are largely in ruins? The majority of homesteads surveyed during the project are in a state of ruin. With most sites left to the elements for around seventyfive years, intact roofs are rare and many walls are collapsed. Traditionally, architectural historians have left ruins to archaeologists and focused their attention on intact structures. However, with 255 of the surveyed sites classified as ruins, this would have resulted in a much more limited role for architectural history in the project as well as a much more limited understanding of the development of homestead architecture. The general guideline used in this project is that a site would be evaluated for architectural significance if at least some of the walls remained intact. Homestead ruins still have much information to contribute on the history, function, and design of homestead complexes. Though in a severely deteriorated condition, the sites have an extremely high degree of integrity to the homesteading period especially setting, materials, and workmanship. Homestead ruins still convey a great deal of information about regional construction methods, especially sandstone construction. Sandstone has survived at a much greater rate than more fragile building materials like adobe. And the ruins of sandstone buildings can actually be better than intact buildings when investigating how a building was constructed with sandstone walls exposed (they were often covered with adobe stucco) as well as partial walls revealing the double wall construction with adobe and rubble infill. Additionally, the presence of traditional architectural features such as those common to New Mexican architecture can often still be distinguished and provide information on their incorporation into local architecture. Simply the layout of the homestead complex can provide information for comparison and tell us much about the life on the homestead. Homestead ruins also continue to convey information about regional building types. Dugouts are a distinctive frontier type that were found to be very common on homesteads in the region. Dugouts were often the first building constructed on the homestead. Even in a ruined condition, the placement of a dugout can provide clues to the development of a homestead complex. If there are few buildings beyond the dugout, then the homesteader likely did not last very long. If the homesteader was successful, the dugout was likely converted to a cellar or incorporated into a larger dwelling. Dugouts varied greatly in their size and finish, from little more than holes in the ground to multi-room, stone-lined dwellings. Can the evolution of a property be part of its significance? As the project began, the focus was on individual homestead complexes and their histories. The majority of the homesteads surveyed date from the homesteading boom of the 1910s and 1920s. Most of these were abandoned by the late 1920s or 1930s. Thus, while 116 Cattle ranching is one framework that can be used to place homesteads in a broader context. How do homesteads fit with the larger evolution of ranching in the region? During the later decades of the 19th century and early 20th century, much of the region was used by open range cattle operations. Traces of this land use can be seen in line camps, early homestead claims made by the employees of large cattle operations, and cowboy inscriptions by springs. Prior to the revision of the homesteading law in 1916, there was a disconnect between what the region's land was best suited for (cattle grazing) and what the homestead laws encouraged. Under the original homesteading act, homesteaders received 160 acres for building a dwelling and putting the land under agricultural production. While understood to mean plowing and planting, agricultural production could also be livestock production. However, in the drier climates of the west, it was hard for a homesteader to make a living farming or raising livestock on just 160 acres. Large cattle operations, however, might get employees to strategically homestead land with conveniently located springs. And with so much open land, there was plenty of open land beyond homestead claims for grazing. In 1909, the federal government expanded the acreage to 360 acres in areas without irrigation, acknowledging that in areas of dry land farming the yield per acre was much less than irrigated farmland. This brought a new a new wave of homesteaders to the region, drawn to the possibilities of dry land farming in the region. This marked the first attempts to put the region into widespread crop production. Most homesteaders found this much more difficult than they anticipated and their homestead testimonies are filled with reports of failed crops. In 1916, the Stock Raising Act allowed homesteaders to claim 640 acres in areas suited only for grazing. This returned the region's focus to cattle ranching, drawing new homesteaders as well as previous homesteaders who were able to file for additional lands for grazing. Even 640 acres was not enough to get many homesteaders through the drought and depression of the 1930s. Many sold out to their neighbors. As many of the smaller land holders continued to leave during the following decades, today's large cattle ranches were gradually formed. These ranches typically cover tens of thousands of acres, incorporating dozens of former homesteads. This return to cattle ranching is an important part of the heritage of the region and has become intertwined with the history of the region's homesteads. Many ranch pastures are still named for the homesteader who originally claimed them. Homestead corrals may still be used for ranch round ups and new windmills and watering tanks may be adjacent to old homesteads. How did the homesteading experience in the Purgatoire River Region compare to homesteading elsewhere in Colorado? Colorado Preservation, Inc. has recently completed countywide rural surveys in Baca County in southeast Colorado and Phillips County in northeast Colorado. This has provided a unique opportunity to compare and contrast the settlement experiences of counties within eastern Colorado. The survey results showed distinctive homestead experiences in each of the counties. The contrast between northeastern and southeastern Colorado is the most striking. Both regions saw an initial wave of homesteaders arriving in the 1880s. And in the early 1890s homesteaders in both regions had to deal with drought and economic depression. In the southeast, this resulted in the abandonment of newly established communities and an exodus of many homesteaders. Most of these homesteaders left before successfully proving up their claims, leaving large amounts of public land available to future homesteaders. While many in the northeast also struggled during the 1890s, the impact was not as severe. Additionally, most homesteaders had been able to prove up their claims, meaning that by the early twentieth century few public lands remained. While both regions saw an influx of new settlers in the 1910s and 1920s, those in the northeast Colorado were purchasing farms while those in southeast Colorado were homesteading. These settlement patterns also seem to reflect the economic condition of settlers in both regions. In general, homesteaders in northeastern Colorado appear to have been better off than those in the southeast. An examination of General Land Office records shows that the majority of nineteenth century homesteaders in Phillips County actually purchased their homesteads from the federal government rather than waiting to prove them up. The settlers who came to Phillips County in the early twentieth century were those who could afford to purchase a farm. Many came from farming families in nearby Nebraska. By contrast, southeast Colorado seems to have drawn many homesteaders of limited resources, seeking the opportunity to acquire free land through hard work. Southeastern Colorado's homesteading boom of the 1910s and 1920s is distinctive for being a twentieth century homesteading boom. By this time most the available public lands in the United States had already been taken. Those remaining were considered marginal in quality. But for those pursuing the American dream of land ownership, they still offered opportunity. Research Questionsthe Purgatoire River Region and Analysis Cultural Resources Survey of 117 the homesteads represent an exceptional and very important period in the development of the region, they represent only few decades. Many of the homesteads include evidence of earlier occupations (Native Americans, sheep herders, open range cattle operations, squatters, etc.) as well as evidence of later ranching operations. How can the evaluation of these resources include this evolution? Due to the delayed homesteading boom, the Purgatoire River region and much of Baca County retained a frontier character much later than northeastern Colorado. But it was a twentieth century frontier where homesteaders often arrived by Model T rather than by wagon. Though the regional centers of Trinidad, La Junta, and Springfield were well developed and featured neat neighborhoods of bungalows, less than sixty miles away from these centers were homesteaders living in dugouts. Though urban luxuries like electricity and indoor plumbing had yet to arrive in most of rural Colorado, the conditions in southeast Colorado were more primitive than those found in the northeast. This is evident when comparing the built environment of farmsteads and homesteads in the early twentieth century. Phillips County's original homesteaders lived in primitive conditions when they first arrived, primarily in sod houses. But most sod houses were gone by the early twentieth century. Farmers in Phillips County could afford to purchase houses and barns from catalogs or local lumber companies and hire local contractors to erect them. At the same time, homesteaders in the Purgatoire River region were still building their simple, dirt floored dwellings out of local stone and dirt. The use of purchased building materials was very sparse, typically just a little bit of milled lumber for finishes and some wire nails. Since many of these settlers left after just a decade or two, they never had as much of an opportunity to develop their homesteads beyond the initial frontier stage. But their homestead construction was also shaped by the difficulties of getting construction materials to remote canyon locations. Differences in the land and the agriculture it would support also contributed to distinctive settlement experiences in the Purgatoire River region, Baca County, and Phillips County. Phillips County has much more in common with Nebraska than it does with the Purgatoire River region. Agriculture has been dominated by large scale wheat and corn production supplemented with cattle and hogs. However, most of these cattle have been in feed lots rather than the open range. With a higher average rainfall than the southeast, it has also been much more productive per acre. The climate of Baca County is more similar to that of the Purgatoire River region but with more area filled with flat open plains and less with canyons, mesas, and arroyos. While cattle ranching has been an important part of its economy, the majority of homesteaders seemed more focused on making a profit on wheat or broom corn. Homesteaders plowed under much of the native grass, which contributed to making Baca County one of those worst hit by the drought and dust storms of the 1930s. In the Purgatoire River region, large scale farming was never very successful. An examination of homestead patent records reveals many reports of poor harvests and fairly small planted acreages (20-60 acres). Homesteaders seem to have experimented with a variety of crops (including corn, beans, cane, rye, wheat, millet, potatoes, barley, and oats) but found little success. Additionally, sheep raising appears to have been much more prominent in the Purgatoire River region than elsewhere in eastern Colorado, likely because the region had such a large number of Hispanic immigrants from New Mexico. The distinctive homesteading experiences of each county were shaped by those who settled there. In Phillips County the majority of settlers were of either German or Swedish decent, often the children of immigrants. Baca County tended to draw those moving westward from Oklahoma, Texas or the Midwest. There seem to have been few foreign born or Hispanic settlers. In contracts, roughly half of the homesteads surveyed in the Purgatoire River region appear to have been settled by Hispanics 5LA.11673 Rivera Homestead 118 The architecture of homesteading in the Purgatoire River region was shaped by tradition, function, and the natural environment, forces so strong that homestead design changed little from the nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. These forces created a homesteading architecture that is distinctive from elsewhere in eastern Colorado. Key architectural elements: � � � � � � � � Dependence on locally available materials with few machine made elements Double sandstone walls filled with rubble and adobe Sandstone construction generally utilized adobe mortar rather than concrete Walls often covered with adobe stucco A single large roof beam (often a cottonwood) with smaller pinons and junipers used for the remainder of the roofing The incorporation of architectural elements traditionally found in New Mexican architecture including flat roofs composed of vigas and latillas, adobe block construction, jacal construction, hornos, and corner fireplaces The incorporation of natural features such as rock outcroppings, canyon walls, or hillsides into building designs In areas near the railroad corridors, settlers used railroad ties as building materials Characteristic building types: � � � � � � Dugouts, often lined with sandstone One-story, one to two room dwellings, typically measuring no more than 20' by 30' Corrals of pinon and juniper Stone sheep pens Loafing sheds Cisterns, which are often placed to collect water runoff from the roof of the dwelling Does the presence of New Mexican design features indicate that a homesteader was Hispanic? The New Mexican design elements seen in southeastern Colorado homesteads were clearly brought into the region by New Mexico homesteaders. These designs had been developed in an environment similar to southeastern Colorado, and were already adapted to the climate and limited natural resources of the area. In addition to bringing design features like vigas and latias, Hispanic homesteaders also appear to have been particularly adept at incorporating the natural landscape into their construction. However, while General Land Office records and census records indicate that these features are most frequently associated with Hispanic homesteads, traditionally New Mexican features have been found on homesteads that records show to have belonged to Anglo-American homesteaders. There are several possible explanations: � The building may have been constructed before or after the homesteading period. In the homesteading records obtained from the National Archives, a few homesteaders report that there were already buildings on the site when they claimed the land. These could have belonged to homesteaders who failed to prove up their claim or to squatters. Additionally, the artifacts found on some sites seem to indicate use of homestead complexes by sheepherders after they were abandoned. The Anglo-American homesteader may have employed Hispanic ranch hands or laborers to help with the construction of homestead buildings. The Anglo-American homesteaders may have adopted these features from their neighbors. � � Research Questionsthe Purgatoire River Region and Analysis Cultural Resources Survey of 119 Does the Purgatoire River region have a distinctive vernacular architecture? 120 Conclusions and Recommendations Conclusions and Recommendations Eastern Colorado has been generally under-represented statewide in survey and National Register nominations. Very little documentation of rural resources has been conducted to date. Knowing what is located in each county is an essential first step to providing a basis for additional survey, preservation planning, heritage tourism, and economic development. This survey demonstrates the presence of a rich rural history which has too often been overlooked. Additional Survey and Designation One reason for the previous lack of survey in the region has been the lack of access to private lands. The majority of the resources identified in this survey are not visible from public roadways. Building partnerships with private landowners for additional rural survey work is highly recommended. Such a partnership was an extremely valuable part of this project. In addition to enabling access to previously undocumented resources, working closely with land owners also created a unique opportunity to exchange information. Land owners learned about survey methods, historic preservation, and the significance of sites on their land. The survey team gained knowledge of the ranching industry and how generations of families have used the land, resulting in greater understanding of the cultural landscape and overall regional identity. It is also recommended that more projects work to integrate historical archaeology with architectural history. Viewing the site through both architectural and archaeological perspectives simultaneously, produced a broader context for evaluation. Architectural historians found incorporating an archaeological approach to evaluating land features was particularly useful when surveying homestead sites in ruins. Artifactual data also provided valuable information on sites which for which there was often limited written or oral history. Intensive level survey of additional sites in the survey area is also recommended. The sites surveyed during the intensive phase represent only 13 percent of the total sites surveyed. There are many more sites which should be documented and evaluated at an intensive level. This is especially important for the homestead ruins. The remains of many homesteads have already disappeared and weathering will continue the deterioration of surviving sites. While it is impractical and economically infeasible to attempt preservation of most of these sites, it is possible to fully document them. The completion of the homesteader table (Appendix B) has also revealed several possible areas of interest for future homestead surveys including sites patented by female homesteaders (there were sixteen in the project area), sites patented by employees of the JJ Ranch (two were identified), and large family farms and ranches created by family members homesteading on adjacent lands. Conclusions and Recommendations Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region 121 National Register nominations should be pursued for the sites determined eligible in the survey. In addition to numerous individually eligible resources, there are also several possible historic districts that should be evaluated including a commercial district on the Main Street in Kim, a commercial and residential district in Model, and a Higbee Valley historic district centered around San Jose Plaza. The possibility of designating one or more large rural historic landscape districts should also be considered. Possibilities include the Purgatoire River valley, Chacuaco Canyon, Beatty Canyon, and Smith Canyon which all have a high density of resources. Colorado Preservation, Inc. will be following this survey with a documentation and interpretation project which will include the completion of a National Register Multiple Property Documentation Form for the region's homesteading resources as well as five individual National Register nominations. Survey Forms Though the survey team found the combination of archaeology and architecture to be extremely useful in the field survey, combining both disciplines in the project's written products was more complicated since each has its own forms, methodology, and language. The architectural historians used the Historic Architectural Component Form (1404) to better conform with the archaeology, though the format of the Architectural Inventory Form (1403) is generally preferred. However, neither form is ideal for recording a site with multiple architectural and landscape features, and the creation of a form specifically designed to record rural historic landscapes is recommended. It is also recommended that a place for a single narrative history of the site be added to the Management Data Form (1400) rather than having this split between Historical Archaeological Component Form (1402) and the Historic Architectural Component Form (1404). The Purgatoire River Region as a Cultural Landscape Consideration should be given to evaluating the region as whole, rather than just as a collection of prehistoric and historic resources. One way to do this is by studying and interpreting the region as a cultural landscape. The Cultural Landscape Foundation defines cultural landscapes as providing "a sense of place and identity; they map out relationship with the land over time; and they are part of our national heritage." Interpreting the region as a cultural landscape can help illuminate the evolving relationship between people and the land and well as place the architecture and archaeology of the region within a larger context of the region's scenic, economic, ecological, and recreational opportunities. Heritage Tourism and Education There is great potential for developing heritage tourism and educational resources around the individual resources surveyed as well as the larger cultural landscape. It is hoped that this survey will enhance local heritage tourism efforts through the identification of heritage resources and the regional themes identified in the historic context study. Heritage interpretation can also be tied in with other tourist activities such as birding, hunting, outdoor recreation, and ranch visits. Colorado Preservation, Inc.'s follow-up project, A Home on the Range, will produce heritage tourism and educational products based on the homesteads surveyed during this project. Products will include a publication interpreting the history of homesteading and associated historical themes geared for a general audience, oral history interviews to be shared via podcasts, and three driving tours following Highways 350, 109, and 160. Themes and issues to be addressed include: How did government policy towards westward expansion, as seen in acquisition of former the Mexican territory and the Homesteading Acts, shape the development of southeastern Colorado? How has water (and the lack of it) shaped the development of the area, including the placement of homesteads, the types 122 Threats The primary threat to the region's cultural resources is the proposed expansion of the Army's Pinon Canon Maneuver Site along with Air Force plans to conduct low altitude training in the area. These do not necessarily represent threats to individual resources. On the current maneuver site, the Army does try to avoid impact to prehistoric and historic resources (though accidents have happened). However, much of the significance of the resources identified in this survey is as components of a larger cultural landscape. Ranching is an essential part of this cultural landscape. Additional expansion of the maneuver site threatens the viability of the regional ranching industry due to economies of scale, and proposed low altitude military training flights may frighten cattle. The survey team believes this region likely represents one of the most intact ranching landscapes in the state. Unlike many other areas of the state which are facing development pressures and have seen former grazing lands sold and converted to new uses, the landscape of the Purgatoire River Region has changed very little in the last fifty years. Agriculture is the second largest industry in the state, with ranching an essential part of the state's character. The preservation of this cultural landscape should be pursued as a vital part of the state's heritage. Thus, when the potential impact of expansion is discussed, the impact on the larger rural historic landscape needs to be considered, not just the impact on individual resources. 123 Cultural Resources Survey of the Purgatoire River Region Recommendations of crops grown, the livestock raised, and the abandonment of many homesteads in the 1930s? How have land use patterns changed since the area was first settled in the mid-19th century and what role has government policy, climate, and ethnic/ cultural diversity played in changing land use? How has ethnicity influenced the architecture, material culture, and designed landscapes of southeastern Colorado? How have images of the cowboy in the American West become part of American popular culture and identity and how do popular conceptions of cowboys and ranching relate to the reality of ranching today? 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